Attempt the question first, then check it against the bulleted skeleton: green = how to open, indigo = body points (scholars & data), violet = how to close, rose = thinkers / cases / Articles to cite.
PSIR Paper 2 · 2025
Section A — Comparative Politics & International Relations
1(a)[10m] Discuss the psychological approach to the study of comparative politics.
- Intro: It studies political behaviour through individual and group psychology — attitudes, perceptions, personality.
- political culture and socialisation (Almond-Verba)
- personality and politics (Lasswell's "political man"; Adorno's authoritarian personality)
- perception, cognition and leadership psychology
- uses surveys and behaviouralism
- critique: reductionism, ignores structure.
- Concl: It illuminates the human, attitudinal roots of politics — but must be paired with structural analysis.
- Cite: Lasswell, Almond-Verba (The Civic Culture), Adorno.
1(b)[10m] Neo-liberalism lightened neo-realism's dark view of international politics. Comment.
- Intro: Neoliberal institutionalism softened neorealism's pessimism about cooperation under anarchy.
- neorealism (Waltz): anarchy → self-help, relative gains, conflict
- neoliberalism (Keohane, Nye): institutions, interdependence and repeated interaction enable cooperation; absolute gains
- regimes reduce uncertainty and cheating
- a shared anarchy premise but different conclusions
- the "neo-neo" debate.
- Concl: Neoliberalism shares neorealism's assumptions yet shows institutions can make cooperation rational — a less dark view.
- Cite: Waltz (neorealism); Keohane & Nye (neoliberal institutionalism).
1(c)[10m] Explain the non-traditional security threats in the context of food and environmental crises.
- Intro: Non-traditional security widens "security" beyond the military to human survival — food and environmental threats.
- from State/military to human security (UNDP 1994)
- food insecurity: climate, conflict, supply shocks (the Ukraine war)
- environmental: climate change, water, disasters, climate refugees
- transnational, non-military, people-centred
- the "securitisation" of these issues.
- Concl: Food and environmental crises are now core security threats — demanding a human-security, cooperative response.
- Cite: UNDP Human Development Report 1994; the Copenhagen School (securitisation).
1(d)[10m] Discuss the political socialization of open and closed societies.
- Intro: Political socialisation — how people acquire political values — differs sharply in open and closed societies.
- agents: family, school, media, peers, the State
- open societies: plural, competing sources; critical, participatory citizens
- closed societies: State-monopolised, indoctrination, conformity, one ideology
- open → diversity and dissent; closed → uniformity and control
- media and the internet as new agents.
- Concl: Open societies socialise critical, plural citizens; closed ones manufacture conformity — shaping very different polities.
- Cite: Almond & Verba; cf. Popper (the open/closed society).
1(e)[10m] Comment on the Red Lipstick Movement in the context of feminist rights.
- Intro: The "Red Lipstick" symbolism reflects contemporary feminist assertion of bodily autonomy and protest.
- red lipstick as a symbol of defiance, agency and self-expression
- part of "fourth-wave"/online feminism (the #MeToo era)
- reclaiming the body and public space against patriarchal control
- dress and cosmetics as political protest
- critique: commodification, symbolic vs structural change.
- Concl: It signals women's assertion of autonomy and protest — a symbolic front of the wider struggle for feminist rights.
- Cite: fourth-wave feminism; #MeToo; "the personal is political".
2(a)[20m] The world currently has been in the throes of a twin process of 'democratic backsliding' and 'democratic backlash'. How would you explain this paradox?
- Intro: Democracy faces a twin threat — erosion from within (backsliding) and a popular revolt against liberal democracy (backlash).
- backsliding: elected leaders hollowing out institutions, media and the judiciary (Hungary, Turkey)
- backlash: a populist revolt against "liberal elites", globalisation and immigration
- drivers: inequality, identity, social media, distrust
- the "democratic recession" (Diamond) and "illiberal democracy" (Zakaria)
- V-Dem/Freedom House data.
- Concl: Democracy is challenged both from above (backsliding) and below (backlash) — demanding renewed institutions and inclusion.
- Cite: Larry Diamond ("democratic recession"); Fareed Zakaria; V-Dem.
2(b)[15m] The withdrawal of the United States of America from the World Health Organization is set to have far-reaching impacts on global health. Reimagining the existing WHO is vital for the global health agenda. Discuss.
- Intro: The US withdrawal from the WHO threatens global health governance and underscores the need for reform.
- the WHO's role: pandemics, eradication, norms — but funding and political dependence
- the US exit → a funding gap and weakened legitimacy
- COVID exposed flaws (slow response, deference allegations)
- reform: sustainable funding, autonomy, the Pandemic Treaty, equitable access
- India's role (vaccine diplomacy, "One Earth One Health").
- Concl: A reimagined, adequately funded and autonomous WHO is vital for global health — and India can help shape it.
- Cite: the WHO; the Pandemic Treaty/IHR; "vaccine diplomacy".
2(c)[15m] Transnational actors have qualitatively transformed the world by the way of their fresh insights and actions. Illustrate your answer with suitable examples.
- Intro: Transnational actors — MNCs, NGOs, terror and criminal networks — have reshaped world politics beyond the State.
- MNCs: economic power rivalling States; global supply chains
- INGOs and civil society: norms and advocacy (Amnesty, Greenpeace)
- terror and criminal networks (Al-Qaeda, ISIS, cartels)
- epistemic communities, the diaspora, tech giants
- they erode State-centric realism — "complex interdependence".
- Concl: Transnational actors have made world politics a multi-actor web — challenging the State-centric model.
- Cite: Keohane & Nye (Transnational Relations; complex interdependence).
3(a)[20m] Of late, centrist and centre-left political parties have been facing setbacks while centre-right parties have been in ascendency the world over. Comment.
- Intro: Across democracies, centrist and centre-left parties are losing ground to a resurgent (often populist) right.
- examples: Europe (Italy, France's RN, Germany's AfD), the US
- drivers: immigration backlash, cultural anxiety, economic insecurity, the failures of "third-way" centrism
- nationalism and identity over class
- social media and polarisation
- the left's loss of the working class.
- Concl: The right's rise reflects a backlash against globalisation and liberal centrism — reshaping the democratic landscape.
- Cite: the populism literature (Cas Mudde); "cleavage realignment".
3(b)[15m] Collective security and responsibility to protect (R2P) are similar but different in scope, goals and methods. Explain.
- Intro: Collective security and R2P both authorise collective action but differ in scope, goal and method.
- collective security: against inter-State aggression — "all against one" (UN Charter, Ch VII)
- R2P: against mass atrocities within States (genocide, ethnic cleansing) — sovereignty as responsibility
- collective security = State security; R2P = human security
- R2P's three pillars; the Libya (2011) controversy
- both need UNSC authorisation.
- Concl: Collective security guards States against aggression; R2P protects populations from their own States — overlapping but distinct.
- Cite: UN Charter Ch VII; the 2005 World Summit (R2P); ICISS.
3(c)[15m] Global South-sensitive model of globalization would prevent the danger emanating from overcentralized globalization. Discuss.
- Intro: A Global South-sensitive model of globalisation could correct the dangers of an over-centralised, Northern-led order.
- current globalisation: Northern-dominated, unequal, debt and dependency
- over-centralisation → vulnerability (supply shocks, sanctions)
- a South-sensitive model: fairer trade, technology transfer, debt relief, a voice in institutions
- India's "Voice of Global South" and reformed multilateralism
- South-South cooperation.
- Concl: Rebalancing globalisation toward the Global South would make it more equitable, resilient and legitimate.
- Cite: dependency/world-systems theory; India's "Voice of Global South" Summits.
4(a)[20m] Latin America has made moderate success in countering US-led global economic order by framing various organizations emphasizing regional sovereignty, economic integration and alternative development. Discuss.
- Intro: Latin America has had moderate success building alternatives to the US-led economic order.
- regional bodies: CELAC, UNASUR, ALBA, MERCOSUR
- the "pink tide" left governments; resource nationalism
- emphasis on regional sovereignty, integration and alternative development
- but US influence, internal divisions and economic crises persist
- growing engagement with China and BRICS.
- Concl: Latin America's regional projects assert sovereignty against US hegemony — with real but limited success.
- Cite: CELAC, ALBA, MERCOSUR; the "pink tide".
4(b)[15m] How successful has the 'ASEAN Plus Three' been in addressing regional problems? Support your answer with specific examples.
- Intro: ASEAN Plus Three (ASEAN + China, Japan, South Korea) has had mixed success in regional cooperation.
- origins: the 1997 Asian financial crisis
- successes: the Chiang Mai Initiative (currency swaps), the rice reserve, dialogue
- functional cooperation in finance, trade and health
- limits: China-Japan rivalry, the South China Sea, no security community
- overshadowed by RCEP and the Quad.
- Concl: APT advanced financial and functional cooperation but is constrained by great-power rivalry — a limited regionalism.
- Cite: ASEAN Plus Three; the Chiang Mai Initiative.
4(c)[15m] Trump's return to the White House is a jolt to push the European Union to invest in its own defence and economic and technological revival. Comment.
- Intro: Trump's return is pushing the EU toward defence, economic and technological self-reliance — "strategic autonomy".
- doubts over the US security guarantee (NATO, Ukraine) → an EU defence build-up
- trade/tariff threats → economic resilience and de-risking
- tech sovereignty (chips, AI, the digital realm)
- but internal divisions and dependence on US security and tech
- the "European strategic autonomy" debate.
- Concl: Trump's unpredictability is catalysing EU strategic autonomy — though dependence and division still constrain it.
- Cite: "European strategic autonomy"; NATO burden-sharing.
Section B — India & the World
5(a)[10m] China's growing footprint and a tangible shift in power dynamics in Bangladesh has weakened India's leverage in Dhaka. Comment.
- Intro: China's deepening footprint in Bangladesh has eroded India's traditional leverage in Dhaka.
- Chinese investment, infrastructure and defence ties (BRI, submarines)
- the 2024 political churn (post-Hasina) realigned Dhaka
- India's concerns: the Teesta, connectivity, the "String of Pearls", security
- India's response: Neighbourhood First, connectivity, people-to-people ties
- balancing China in the neighbourhood.
- Concl: India must re-energise its Bangladesh partnership — through connectivity, trust and delivery — to counter China's inroads.
- Cite: the BRI; Neighbourhood First; the Teesta issue.
5(b)[10m] Would you agree with the contention that India's inclination to lean on a 'more aggressive hyper-realist posture' has gained a new momentum in the aftermath of the Pahalgam terrorist strike? Comment.
- Intro: A terror strike (Pahalgam) has reinforced India's more assertive, "hyper-realist" security posture toward Pakistan.
- a shift from strategic restraint to proactive deterrence (the surgical strikes of 2016, Balakot 2019)
- "hyper-realism": pre-emption, hard power, cross-border response
- a "new normal" against terror
- risks: escalation, the nuclear threshold
- balancing deterrence with restraint.
- Concl: India's assertive posture signals zero-tolerance for terror — but must be calibrated against escalation risks.
- Cite: the surgical strikes (2016), Balakot (2019); deterrence theory.
5(c)[10m] For India, a multipolar world order would also mean a multipolar Asia. Comment.
- Intro: For India, a genuinely multipolar world order requires a multipolar (not China-dominated) Asia.
- India resists a unipolar Asia under Chinese hegemony
- a multipolar Asia: India, Japan and ASEAN as independent poles
- instruments: the QUAD, Act East, the Indo-Pacific, partnerships
- balancing China's rise
- strategic autonomy within multipolarity.
- Concl: India seeks a multipolar Asia as the foundation of a multipolar world — resisting Chinese primacy.
- Cite: "multipolar Asia"; the QUAD; the Indo-Pacific.
5(d)[10m] Does the Non-Aligned Movement have any future in the wake of India's growing indifference towards it?
- Intro: NAM's relevance is questioned amid India's growing indifference and a transformed world order.
- NAM was born in the Cold War (Bandung 1955, Belgrade 1961) — non-alignment between blocs
- post-Cold War: no blocs → relevance questioned; India skipped summits
- but NAM endures as a Global-South platform of voice and solidarity
- India's shift to multi-alignment/strategic autonomy
- "NAM 2.0".
- Concl: NAM's bloc-era rationale has faded, but its Global-South solidarity endures — India now pursues autonomy via multi-alignment.
- Cite: Bandung (1955); "NAM 2.0"; strategic autonomy.
5(e)[10m] Historical ties between India and Japan grew into a 'special strategic and global partnership'. Comment.
- Intro: India-Japan ties have matured into a "Special Strategic and Global Partnership".
- convergence: a free, open Indo-Pacific; balancing China
- economic: investment, the bullet train, infrastructure (the AAGC)
- defence: the 2+2, exercises (Malabar), technology
- the QUAD
- civil nuclear cooperation
- shared democratic values.
- Concl: India-Japan is a cornerstone partnership for Indo-Pacific stability and India's development.
- Cite: the "Special Strategic and Global Partnership"; the QUAD; the AAGC.
6(a)[20m] Critically analyze the different phases of India's foreign policy since independence. How justified is S. Jaishankar's classification of the current phase as the phase of 'energetic diplomacy'?
- Intro: India's foreign policy has evolved through distinct phases; Jaishankar terms the current one "energetic diplomacy".
- phases: optimistic NAM (1947-62) → realism and hard lessons (1962-91) → post-Cold War recalibration (1991-2014) → confident/"energetic" diplomacy (2014-)
- features now: multi-alignment, economic and vaccine diplomacy, the diaspora, the Global South, the G20
- from "balancing" power to a "leading" power.
- Concl: India has moved from non-alignment to confident, multi-aligned "energetic diplomacy" — a rising power shaping outcomes.
- Cite: S. Jaishankar (The India Way); "energetic diplomacy".
6(b)[15m] India maintains strong ties with countries that will assure a free and open Indo-Pacific and guarantee greater connectivity with rest of the world. Analyze.
- Intro: India backs partners committed to a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific and to greater connectivity.
- FOIP: freedom of navigation, a rules-based order, against coercion
- India's IPOI, SAGAR, Act East
- partners: the QUAD (US, Japan, Australia), ASEAN centrality, France, the EU
- connectivity: IMEC, ports, the Blue Economy
- balancing China's maritime assertiveness.
- Concl: India anchors a free, open, inclusive Indo-Pacific — through the QUAD, ASEAN and connectivity — to balance China.
- Cite: SAGAR; the IPOI; the QUAD; Act East.
6(c)[15m] The tariff threats have pushed India and the European Union closer. Evaluate the India-EU partnership.
- Intro: US tariff threats and shared interests are drawing India and the EU closer.
- the EU as a major trade and technology partner; FTA negotiations and the Trade and Technology Council
- convergence: de-risking from China, supply chains, connectivity (IMEC), green tech
- irritants: CBAM, data, human-rights clauses, agriculture
- a strategic partnership and Indo-Pacific cooperation
- multipolar balancing.
- Concl: India and the EU are natural partners in a multipolar, de-risking world — an FTA would deepen the strategic partnership.
- Cite: the India-EU TTC; the FTA talks; IMEC; CBAM.
7(a)[20m] India continues to invoke its time-tested policy of strategic autonomy vis-a-vis both the United States of America and Russia by rejecting US offer of mediation on Kashmir issue and by refusing to criticize Russia in its ongoing war against Ukraine. Comment.
- Intro: India asserts strategic autonomy — refusing US mediation on Kashmir and declining to condemn Russia over Ukraine.
- strategic autonomy: independent judgment, no bloc
- Kashmir: a bilateral issue, no third-party mediation
- Russia: legacy defence and energy ties, discounted oil, the S-400; UN abstentions
- multi-alignment — partnering the US (QUAD) yet keeping Russia
- navigating CAATSA.
- Concl: India's autonomy lets it engage all powers on its own terms — partnering the US while preserving ties with Russia.
- Cite: "strategic autonomy"; CAATSA; the Russia-Ukraine balancing act.
7(b)[15m] Trump's unilateral imposition of reciprocal tariffs on scores of countries poses impending threat to the future of the rule-based multilateral global trading system under the WTO. What options do the WTO members have to salvage the organization?
- Intro: Trump's reciprocal tariffs threaten the rules-based multilateral trading system; the WTO must respond.
- unilateral tariffs violate the MFN principle and WTO norms
- the Appellate Body is already paralysed (US blocking)
- options: revive dispute settlement (the MPIA interim arrangement), coalitions of the willing, reform
- developing-country/India interests: S&DT, food security, the "peace clause"
- the risk of a trade war and fragmentation.
- Concl: To salvage the WTO, members must revive dispute settlement and reform it — defending a rules-based, development-friendly order.
- Cite: the WTO; the Appellate Body crisis; the MPIA; S&DT.
7(c)[15m] NonAlignment 2.0 underscores India's unique aspiration to emerge as a site for an alternative universality. Comment
- Intro: "NonAlignment 2.0" frames India as a site for an "alternative universality" — a distinct civilisational voice.
- the 2012 "NonAlignment 2.0" document — strategic autonomy in a multipolar world
- "alternative universality": India offering a non-Western, plural, civilisational model
- democracy + diversity + development
- the Voice of Global South, the "Vishwamitra" framing
- critique: aspiration vs capacity.
- Concl: India aspires to be a distinct civilisational pole — a non-Western "alternative universality" in a multipolar order.
- Cite: "NonAlignment 2.0" (2012); the Global South; strategic autonomy.
8(a)[20m] India's reluctance to perceive any existential threat inevitably made the multilateral path to nuclear security a default option until it decided to cross nuclear Rubicon in 1998. Identify and analyze major reasons behind this shift in India's position on the nuclear question.
- Intro: India shifted from nuclear ambiguity and disarmament advocacy to overt weaponisation in 1998 (Pokhran-II).
- earlier: the "peaceful nuclear explosion" (1974), moral disarmament advocacy, an NPT refusal
- reasons for the shift: China's nuclear threat and 1962, Pakistan's programme, a discriminatory NPT/CTBT, security and status
- the 1998 tests → a declared nuclear State
- doctrine: credible minimum deterrence, No First Use.
- Concl: Security imperatives and a discriminatory non-proliferation regime drove India from restraint to overt deterrence in 1998.
- Cite: Pokhran-II (1998); No First Use; the NPT/CTBT debate.
8(b)[15m] Discuss some key drivers of India's new interests in Africa which might help in developing long-term comparative advantage over China.
- Intro: India is deepening ties with Africa, seeking a long-term advantage over China.
- drivers: resources and energy, markets, the Indian diaspora, UNSC-reform support, maritime security (the IOR)
- instruments: lines of credit, capacity-building (ITEC, the pan-African e-network), the India-Africa Forum Summit
- India's edge: a development partnership (no "debt trap"), skills, democracy
- versus China's scale.
- Concl: India's people-centred, capacity-building model can build durable goodwill in Africa — a softer alternative to China's footprint.
- Cite: the India-Africa Forum Summit; ITEC; lines of credit.
8(c)[15m] Discuss the potential role India can play in initiating a possible phase of trilateral economic engagement among India, China and Nepal.
- Intro: A trilateral economic engagement among India, China and Nepal is debated as a connectivity opportunity.
- Nepal as a "bridge" between two giants
- potential: trans-Himalayan connectivity, trade, hydropower, tourism
- China's BRI in Nepal vs India's traditional ties
- India's caution: strategic competition, sovereignty, the open border
- challenges: trust, terrain, geopolitics.
- Concl: Trilateral cooperation offers economic promise but is constrained by India-China rivalry — Nepal seeks to balance both.
- Cite: the BRI; trans-Himalayan connectivity; India-Nepal ties.
PSIR Paper 2 · 2024
Section A — Comparative Politics & International Relations
1(a)[10m] Discuss the interpretive approach to the study of comparative politics.
- Intro: The interpretive/hermeneutic approach studies meanings and understandings, not just observable behaviour.
- vs positivist/behavioural — Verstehen (Weber)
- focus on context, culture and meaning
- "thick description" (Geertz)
- it critiques value-free science
- subjective understanding over prediction.
- Concl: It enriches comparison with meaning and context, beyond mere measurement.
- Cite: Max Weber, Clifford Geertz, Charles Taylor.
1(b)[10m] Explain the central tenets of the World-Systems Theory.
- Intro: Wallerstein sees a single capitalist world-economy structured by a core-periphery hierarchy.
- core, semi-periphery and periphery
- unequal exchange and exploitation
- historical capitalism since the 16th century
- it transcends nation-state analysis
- a single world division of labour.
- Concl: It explains global inequality structurally; critiqued for economism and determinism.
- Cite: Immanuel Wallerstein; cf. dependency theory (A.G. Frank).
1(c)[10m] The expansionist tendencies of the current Russian regime indicate its intentions for the realisation of a Greater Russia on the lines of the Soviet era. Comment.
- Intro: Russia's recent actions are read as a neo-imperial bid for a "Greater Russia".
- Ukraine, Crimea and the "near abroad" sphere of influence
- realism: balance of power and the NATO-expansion grievance
- ideology: Russkiy Mir, the civilisational state
- but economic limits and overreach.
- Concl: Assertive revisionism — yet a full Soviet-scale restoration is unlikely; it reshapes the global order.
- Cite: Mearsheimer (the NATO thesis); classical realism.
1(d)[10m] Explain the various facets of the idealist approach to the study of international relations. Comment on its contemporary relevance.
- Intro: Idealism/liberalism prioritises cooperation, morality and institutions over raw power.
- Kant (perpetual peace), Wilson (the League, collective security)
- international law, institutions and the democratic peace
- critique: utopianism (E.H. Carr)
- relevance: the UN, the EU and global governance amid realism's return.
- Concl: Idealism shapes norms and institutions even as power persists — both lenses are needed.
- Cite: Kant, Woodrow Wilson, E.H. Carr.
1(e)[10m] The changing global order and ongoing regional conflicts, with the global powers taking sides, have jeopardised the progress made towards disarmament in the past. Comment.
- Intro: Great-power rivalry and wars are reversing hard-won disarmament gains.
- the collapse/strain of arms control (the INF, New START)
- Ukraine and nuclear rhetoric; arsenal modernisation
- new domains: cyber, AI, hypersonics
- NPT stress and proliferation.
- Concl: A renewed arms race looms → revive arms control and multilateral disarmament.
- Cite: the NPT, New START; security-dilemma logic.
2(a)[20m] Deglobalisation is displacing globalisation. Comment.
- Intro: Globalisation is in retreat — "slowbalisation"/deglobalisation.
- drivers: trade wars, COVID, Ukraine, supply-chain reshoring, techno-nationalism
- protectionism and "friend-shoring"
- but digital flows and services still globalise → "re-globalisation".
- Concl: Not the end of globalisation but its reconfiguration — regionalised and securitised.
- Cite: David Held (transformationalist); "slowbalisation".
2(b)[15m] What are the distinctive features of the post-modern state in the advanced capitalist economies? Analyse.
- Intro: The "post-modern state" (Robert Cooper) transcends the classic Westphalian sovereign model.
- pooled/shared sovereignty (the EU)
- interdependence, transparency, mutual interference accepted
- a rejection of force among themselves
- welfare → a regulatory/competition state.
- Concl: A new statehood beyond the modern nation-state — though challenged by resurgent nationalism.
- Cite: Robert Cooper, David Held.
2(c)[15m] What were the limitations of NAFTA? How did its replacement by the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement counter them? Explain.
- Intro: NAFTA's limitations led to its renegotiation as the USMCA.
- NAFTA (1994): free trade among the US, Canada and Mexico
- limitations: job losses, the wage gap, weak labour/environmental rules, trade deficits
- USMCA (2020): stricter rules of origin (autos), labour standards, digital trade, a sunset clause
- Trump's "America First" renegotiation.
- Concl: The USMCA tightened NAFTA's rules on labour, autos and digital trade — reflecting a more protectionist turn.
- Cite: NAFTA (1994); the USMCA (2020).
3(a)[20m] Discuss the major recent social movements related to the physical rights of women in various countries of the world.
- Intro: Recent global movements assert women's bodily autonomy and physical rights.
- #MeToo (sexual harassment); abortion rights (post-Roe USA); Iran's "Woman, Life, Freedom"
- against gender violence, FGM and dress codes
- online, transnational, fourth-wave feminism
- reproductive rights and bodily autonomy
- backlash and counter-movements.
- Concl: These movements globalise the demand for bodily autonomy — a transnational front of feminist struggle.
- Cite: #MeToo; "Woman, Life, Freedom"; fourth-wave feminism.
3(b)[15m] Critically examine the role of political parties in sustaining and stabilising democracies in the developing societies.
- Intro: Political parties are crucial to sustaining and stabilising democracies in developing societies.
- functions: aggregation, representation, recruitment, government formation, accountability
- they institutionalise conflict peacefully
- but weak institutionalisation, personalism, clientelism, dynasty, ethnic parties
- party-system fragmentation and instability.
- Concl: Strong, institutionalised parties are vital to democratic stability — their weakness imperils developing democracies.
- Cite: Huntington (institutionalisation); Sartori (party systems).
3(c)[15m] Do you agree with the view that the USA uses NATO as a traditional tool of strategy to perpetuate its hegemony in the world?
- Intro: NATO is seen by some as a tool the US uses to perpetuate its global hegemony.
- NATO as the instrument of US-led Western dominance
- post-Cold War expansion eastward (the realist critique — Mearsheimer)
- out-of-area operations (Afghanistan, Libya)
- but also collective defence valued by members (Ukraine)
- burden-sharing tensions.
- Concl: NATO serves US primacy but also genuine collective defence — its role is contested, not merely hegemonic.
- Cite: Mearsheimer; realism vs liberal institutionalism.
4(a)[20m] The Gramscian theory of hegemony provides many valuable insights into the nature of global power. Comment.
- Intro: Gramsci's hegemony, applied to IR (neo-Gramscian), shows how global power rests on consent plus coercion.
- Robert Cox: hegemony as a fit of ideas, institutions and material capabilities
- a hegemon leads through consent (norms, institutions — Bretton Woods, the liberal order), not just force
- "historic blocs"; counter-hegemony
- US/Western hegemony and its challengers (China, the Global South).
- Concl: Neo-Gramscian theory reveals global power as ideological leadership — explaining both Western dominance and its contestation.
- Cite: Antonio Gramsci; Robert Cox (neo-Gramscian IR).
4(b)[15m] The return of trade barriers and economic sanctions has diminished the spirit of GATT. Discuss the factors contributing to the decline of WTO in recent times.
- Intro: The return of trade barriers and sanctions has eroded the GATT/WTO's liberal spirit.
- the GATT/WTO built a rules-based, non-discriminatory order
- decline: the US-China trade war, unilateral tariffs, sanctions
- the Appellate Body paralysed (US blocking appointments)
- the Doha deadlock and stalled negotiations
- the rise of plurilateral/regional deals.
- Concl: Protectionism and a broken dispute system have diminished the WTO — reform is urgent to save multilateral trade.
- Cite: the WTO; the Appellate Body crisis; the Doha Round.
4(c)[15m] Do you agree with the view that the EU has thus far proved to be the most successful experiment in the regional integration processes? Account for its successes and recent challenges.
- Intro: The EU is often called the most successful experiment in regional integration.
- deep integration: a single market, the euro, free movement, supranational institutions
- peace and prosperity in post-war Europe
- successes: enlargement, soft power, a "civilian power"
- challenges: Brexit, the eurozone crisis, migration, the democratic deficit, Ukraine
- neofunctionalist "spillover" (Haas).
- Concl: The EU is the deepest regional integration — though Brexit and crises test its model.
- Cite: Ernst Haas (neofunctionalism); the EU; Brexit.
Section B — India & the World
5(a)[10m] India must strive to become a semi-permanent member of the UNSC, rather than a permanent member without the right to veto. Comment.
- Intro: India should aim for a meaningful permanent seat, not a "permanent membership without the veto".
- the UNSC-reform demand: India in the G4
- the "intermediate"/semi-permanent (long-term elected) model
- a permanent seat without the veto = a second-class status
- India seeks parity with the P5, including the veto
- resistance from Uniting for Consensus ("Coffee Club") and China.
- Concl: India should hold out for full permanent membership with the veto — not a hollow, veto-less seat.
- Cite: the G4; the Ezulwini Consensus; Uniting for Consensus.
5(b)[10m] Bhutan has historically been an ally of India, but the China-Bhutan border related issues have become a security issue for India. Discuss.
- Intro: China-Bhutan border talks have become a security concern for India, especially near Doklam.
- Bhutan, a close ally under the 2007 Friendship Treaty
- China-Bhutan boundary negotiations and a possible "package deal" (Doklam-for-north)
- Doklam's proximity to the Siliguri Corridor (the "Chicken's Neck")
- India's security stake.
- Concl: A China-Bhutan settlement near Doklam would directly threaten India's vulnerable Siliguri Corridor — a key strategic concern.
- Cite: the Doklam standoff (2017); the Siliguri Corridor; the India-Bhutan Treaty.
5(c)[10m] Nothing is going to move within the WTO negotiations unless India is on board. Discuss the main reasons behind India's increased clout in the WTO.
- Intro: India has become a pivotal player whose consent is essential to WTO outcomes.
- a leader of developing-country coalitions
- it defends food security (public stockholding, the "peace clause"), S&DT and agriculture
- a large market and a growing economy
- it has blocked/shaped deals (the Bali TFA, fisheries)
- "no movement without India".
- Concl: India's leadership of the Global South gives it decisive clout in shaping a development-friendly WTO.
- Cite: the Bali TFA; the "peace clause"; S&DT.
5(d)[10m] Discuss the rationale behind replacing the Asia-Pacific strategy with the new term Indo-Pacific strategy.
- Intro: The shift from "Asia-Pacific" to "Indo-Pacific" reflects a new strategic geography centred on India and China.
- the Indo-Pacific integrates the Indian and Pacific Oceans as one strategic theatre
- rationale: China's rise, maritime trade, India's role, the sea lanes
- India central (SAGAR, the IPOI), the QUAD, the FOIP
- from an economic (Asia-Pacific) to a strategic (Indo-Pacific) framing
- balancing China.
- Concl: "Indo-Pacific" reframes Asia's strategic map around balancing China — putting India at the centre.
- Cite: the Indo-Pacific concept; SAGAR; the QUAD.
5(e)[10m] Despite deep ties, India's relations with Sri Lanka have seen strains due to China's growing influence in Sri Lanka through investments and economic dominance. Analyse.
- Intro: India-Sri Lanka ties, though deep, have strained over China's growing influence.
- Chinese investment and debt (the Hambantota port lease, Colombo Port City)
- the "String of Pearls" and security concerns (Chinese vessels)
- India's response: the 2022 economic bailout (~$4bn), connectivity, energy
- the Tamil/13th-Amendment issue
- Neighbourhood First.
- Concl: India must counter China's economic foothold in Sri Lanka through reliable partnership and delivery.
- Cite: Hambantota; the "String of Pearls"; the 2022 bailout.
6(a)[20m] Would you concur with the view that of late, India's foreign policy has been in a transition mode from Nehruvianism to Neoliberalism? Support with examples.
- Intro: India's foreign policy has shifted from Nehruvian idealism to a pragmatic, neoliberal orientation.
- Nehruvian: NAM, anti-imperialism, moralism, state-led
- post-1991: economic diplomacy, pragmatism, multi-alignment, strategic partnerships
- continuity: strategic autonomy endures
- from idealism to interest-driven engagement.
- Concl: Yes — a shift to a pragmatic, economy-driven foreign policy, but autonomy remains the connecting thread.
- Cite: C. Raja Mohan (Crossing the Rubicon); "strategic autonomy".
6(b)[15m] Does the idea of the 21st century as Asian century continue to remain feasible given the growing friction between India and China?
- Intro: The idea of an "Asian Century" is questioned given the deepening India-China friction.
- the "Asian Century": Asia (especially China and India) leading the global economy
- but the India-China rivalry — the border (Galwan 2020), the trade deficit, the BRI/CPEC, the Indo-Pacific
- "no Asian Century without India-China accommodation"
- competition undermines the shared rise.
- Concl: An Asian Century is feasible only if India and China manage their rivalry — friction imperils the shared promise.
- Cite: Galwan (2020); the "Asian Century".
6(c)[15m] Discuss the potential role that India could play as the leader of the Global South in realising the goal of establishing a new international economic order in the 21st century.
- Intro: India can lead the Global South toward a fairer new international economic order.
- the NIEO's old demand: fairer trade, technology, debt relief, sovereignty
- India's tools: the G20 presidency, the Voice of Global South, reformed multilateralism, Digital Public Infrastructure
- South-South cooperation; advocacy at UNCTAD/the WTO
- a "bridge" between North and South.
- Concl: India can champion a reformed, equitable global economic order as a leader and voice of the Global South.
- Cite: the NIEO; the G20 (2023); the Voice of Global South.
7(a)[20m] Discuss the future of SAARC in the light of India's increased focus on other regional groupings like ASEAN and BIMSTEC.
- Intro: SAARC's relevance is in doubt as India pivots to ASEAN and BIMSTEC.
- SAARC is paralysed by India-Pakistan hostility and terrorism (the cancelled 2016 summit)
- the consensus rule = a veto; the lowest intra-regional trade
- India's pivot: BIMSTEC, BBIN, "Neighbourhood First minus Pakistan"
- but SAARC is still useful for people-to-people ties and connectivity.
- Concl: SAARC is stalled, not dead — India leverages BIMSTEC while keeping its door open; terrorism is the real blocker.
- Cite: BIMSTEC; the cancelled 2016 SAARC summit; SAFTA.
7(b)[15m] Critically examine India's persistent refusal to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT) despite being recognized as a de-facto nuclear power.
- Intro: India has consistently refused to sign the NPT despite being a de-facto nuclear power.
- the NPT (1968) is "discriminatory" — splitting nuclear "haves" and "have-nots"
- India: security (China, Pakistan), sovereignty, no disarmament by the P5
- it kept the nuclear option, tested in 1974 and 1998
- yet a responsible record — No First Use, the 2008 NSG waiver, export controls.
- Concl: India rejects the NPT as discriminatory while behaving as a responsible nuclear power — seeking recognition, not the treaty's rules.
- Cite: the NPT (1968); Pokhran (1974, 1998); the 2008 NSG waiver.
7(c)[15m] India and USA have become such strong strategic partners that they need not become formal allies. Comment.
- Intro: India and the US are close strategic partners who need not become formal treaty allies.
- deepening ties: defence (the foundational agreements LEMOA, COMCASA, BECA), the QUAD, iCET, trade
- India's strategic autonomy: no formal alliance, ties with Russia
- a "non-allied partnership" — issue-based alignment
- convergence on China; divergence on Russia/Ukraine.
- Concl: India and the US are natural partners without an alliance — strategic convergence with preserved autonomy.
- Cite: LEMOA/COMCASA/BECA; the QUAD; "strategic autonomy".
8(a)[20m] Critically examine the continuity and change in India's Palestine policy in the wake of the ongoing Israel-Hamas War.
- Intro: India's Palestine policy shows both continuity (support for Palestine) and change (warming ties with Israel).
- continuity: support for a two-state solution, Palestinian statehood, an East-Jerusalem capital
- change: de-hyphenation; a strategic Israel partnership (defence, tech, agriculture) since 1992/2017
- a balancing act during the war (condemning terror + humanitarian aid)
- interests over ideology.
- Concl: India balances a principled commitment to Palestine with a pragmatic Israel partnership — de-hyphenated, interest-driven autonomy.
- Cite: de-hyphenation; the two-state solution; the 1992/2017 Israel ties.
8(b)[15m] Discuss the implications of the scrapping of the Free Movement Regime with Myanmar by the Indian Government on the complex ethno-political dynamics of the north-eastern region.
- Intro: India's scrapping of the Free Movement Regime (FMR) with Myanmar has complex implications for the North-East.
- the FMR allowed border people to move 16 km visa-free (shared ethnic ties — Nagas, Mizos, Kukis)
- scrapping + fencing: to curb insurgents, drugs and illegal migration (post-Manipur 2023)
- but it divides ethnic kin, hurts livelihoods and risks alienation
- the Myanmar civil war and refugee inflows.
- Concl: Scrapping the FMR boosts border security but risks alienating border communities — security must be balanced with ethnic ties.
- Cite: the Free Movement Regime; the Manipur crisis (2023); the Myanmar civil war.
8(c)[15m] India has of late, chosen to debunk non-alignment in its pursuit of multi-alignment. Comment.
- Intro: India has shifted from non-alignment (avoiding blocs) to multi-alignment (engaging all power centres).
- multi-alignment: the QUAD + BRICS + SCO + I2U2 simultaneously
- issue-based partnerships
- continuity: strategic autonomy is the constant
- critics: hedging vs commitment.
- Concl: Not an abandonment of autonomy but its update for a multipolar age.
- Cite: C. Raja Mohan; "strategic autonomy", "issue-based alignment".
PSIR Paper 2 · 2023
Section A — Comparative Politics & International Relations
1(a)[10m] What are the crucial functions of empirical political theory in Comparative Politics?
- Intro: Empirical political theory seeks to describe, explain and predict political reality through observable evidence.
- value-free, fact-based; generalisation and hypothesis-testing
- functions: classification, explanation, prediction, theory-building (Easton, Almond)
- it enables systematic cross-national comparison
- vs normative theory ("ought")
- tools: systems, structural-functional, behavioural.
- Concl: Empirical theory makes comparative politics a science of explanation — though it must not ignore values and context.
- Cite: David Easton, Almond & Powell.
1(b)[10m] What are the difficulties faced by a political theorist in comparing the States?
- Intro: Comparing States is fraught with conceptual and methodological difficulties.
- conceptual stretching (Sartori) — concepts do not "travel"
- the "too many variables, too few cases" problem
- ethnocentrism/Eurocentric bias
- data unavailability and non-equivalence
- value-laden categories; cultural relativism.
- Concl: Valid comparison needs context-sensitive concepts and careful method to avoid ethnocentrism and conceptual stretching.
- Cite: Giovanni Sartori (conceptual stretching); Arend Lijphart.
1(c)[10m] How does democratic politics construct citizenship?
- Intro: Democratic politics actively constructs citizenship — the bundle of rights, duties and belonging.
- T.H. Marshall: civil → political → social citizenship
- democracy expands rights through struggle (suffrage, welfare)
- participation forges active citizens
- but exclusion (gender, class, migrants); "differentiated citizenship" (Young)
- identity and multicultural citizenship.
- Concl: Citizenship is not given but made through democratic struggle — expanding from civil to social and multicultural rights.
- Cite: T.H. Marshall; Iris Marion Young.
1(d)[10m] What is the structure and functions of International Court of Justice?
- Intro: The ICJ is the principal judicial organ of the UN, settling inter-State disputes.
- 15 judges, nine-year terms (the UNGA + UNSC elect)
- contentious jurisdiction (consent-based) + advisory opinions
- it applies treaties, custom and general principles (Art 38 of the Statute)
- binding but with no direct enforcement (it relies on the UNSC)
- examples: maritime and boundary cases, Kulbhushan Jadhav.
- Concl: The ICJ upholds international law in inter-State disputes — authoritative, but limited by consent and weak enforcement.
- Cite: the ICJ Statute (Art 38); the Kulbhushan Jadhav case.
1(e)[10m] Discuss the structure and functions of UN Security Council.
- Intro: The UNSC is the UN organ with primary responsibility for international peace and security.
- 15 members: five permanent (the P5, with the veto) + 10 elected
- powers: Ch VI (peaceful settlement), Ch VII (sanctions, force)
- binding decisions; peacekeeping
- criticism: unrepresentative, the P5 veto, paralysis (Syria, Ukraine)
- the reform demand (the G4, India).
- Concl: The UNSC is the core of collective security but is unrepresentative and veto-bound — demanding reform.
- Cite: UN Charter Ch VI/VII; the G4 reform demand.
2(a)[20m] Discuss the relevance of the normative ethos of the Non-Aligned Movement in magnifying India's soft power in pursuit of her national interest.
- Intro: NAM's normative ethos (anti-imperialism, peace, sovereignty) magnifies India's soft power.
- NAM values: non-alignment, anti-colonialism, sovereignty, peaceful coexistence (Panchsheel)
- India as a founder and moral voice of the Global South
- soft power: leadership, credibility, a development model
- relevance today: strategic autonomy, the Voice of Global South
- critique: NAM's institutional decline.
- Concl: NAM's normative legacy still amplifies India's soft power and moral leadership of the Global South.
- Cite: Nehru (Panchsheel, NAM); Joseph Nye (soft power).
2(b)[15m] In what ways does the functionalist approach in International relations help in maintaining peace and order in global politics?
- Intro: Functionalism holds that international cooperation in technical, non-political areas can build peace.
- Mitrany: "form follows function"; cooperation spills from low to high politics
- functional agencies (the WHO, ILO, ITU) create interdependence and loyalty beyond the State
- neofunctionalism (Haas) — the EU's integration "spillover"
- "peace by pieces"
- critique: it ignores power and politics.
- Concl: Functionalism shows technical cooperation can weave peace — though high politics and power often intrude.
- Cite: David Mitrany (A Working Peace System); Ernst Haas (neofunctionalism).
2(c)[15m] How does the regime change and political crisis in Myanmar threaten regional security and peace?
- Intro: The 2021 coup and crisis in Myanmar threaten the security and stability of the region.
- the military coup (Feb 2021) → civil war, the resistance (PDF), the Rohingya crisis
- spillover: refugees, drugs (the "Golden Triangle"), arms and insurgents into India's NE
- China's leverage; ASEAN's "Five-Point Consensus" stalled
- India's dilemma: democracy vs strategic interests (the Kaladan project, the border).
- Concl: Myanmar's turmoil destabilises the region and India's NE — demanding careful engagement balancing values and interests.
- Cite: the 2021 coup; ASEAN's Five-Point Consensus; the Kaladan project.
3(a)[20m] During the Cold War, the Non-Aligned Movement tried to become a 'Third Force' in world politics, but failed because it was too large and unwieldy. Discuss.
- Intro: During the Cold War, NAM sought to be a "Third Force" but largely failed due to its size and diversity.
- NAM aimed at an independent bloc between the superpowers
- but it was too large, heterogeneous and divided (members on opposing sides)
- no binding institution, common policy or military weight
- it influenced norms (decolonisation, disarmament) but not the power balance
- post-Cold War relevance questioned.
- Concl: NAM shaped norms and gave voice to the South but failed as a cohesive "Third Force" — too unwieldy to wield power.
- Cite: Bandung (1955); the Cold War bipolarity.
3(b)[15m] Account for the rise of European Union as a highly influential regional organisation.
- Intro: The EU rose to become the world's most influential regional organisation.
- from the ECSC (1951)/EEC (1957) to a single market, the euro and political union
- neofunctionalist "spillover" (Haas)
- peace, prosperity, enlargement
- a "civilian/normative power" globally
- challenges: Brexit, crises, the democratic deficit.
- Concl: The EU's deep integration made it a global economic and normative power — a model of regionalism, now under strain.
- Cite: Ernst Haas (neofunctionalism); the EU treaties.
3(c)[15m] Narrate the various ways in which rapid environmental degradation is posing a serious threat to human security. Illustrate with examples.
- Intro: Rapid environmental degradation is a grave and growing threat to human security.
- human security = freedom from want and fear (UNDP 1994)
- climate change → disasters, water/food stress, climate refugees, conflict
- pollution, biodiversity loss, land degradation
- examples: the Sahel, small-island States, the Sundarbans
- "environmental security"/securitisation.
- Concl: Environmental degradation directly endangers human survival — a core, transnational human-security threat.
- Cite: UNDP 1994 (human security); the IPCC.
4(a)[20m] Critically examine the impact of Globalisation on the developing countries of the world.
- Intro: Globalisation has had a deeply mixed impact on developing countries.
- benefits: trade, FDI, technology, growth, poverty reduction (East Asia)
- costs: inequality, dependency, volatility (1997, 2008), a loss of policy space
- the "race to the bottom", deindustrialisation, cultural homogenisation
- uneven gains; the digital divide
- the dependency/world-systems critique.
- Concl: Globalisation offers opportunity but also dependency and inequality for the South — its gains are uneven and contested.
- Cite: Stiglitz (Globalization and Its Discontents); dependency theory.
4(b)[15m] What do you mean by offensive and defensive realism?
- Intro: Offensive and defensive realism (neorealism) differ on how much power States seek under anarchy.
- shared: anarchy, States as rational survival-seekers (Waltz)
- offensive (Mearsheimer): States maximise power and seek hegemony — security is scarce
- defensive (Waltz, Jervis): States seek "appropriate" power; too much provokes balancing
- the security dilemma
- China's rise as a test case.
- Concl: Both are realist, but offensive realism sees power-maximising States, defensive realism sees security-seeking ones.
- Cite: John Mearsheimer (offensive); Kenneth Waltz, Robert Jervis (defensive).
4(c)[15m] Discuss the various constraints on American hegemony today. Which are likely to become more prominent in future?
- Intro: American hegemony faces mounting constraints today.
- the rise of China (economic and military) and a multipolar shift
- Russia's revisionism; regional powers
- "imperial overstretch" (Kennedy); war fatigue (Iraq, Afghanistan)
- domestic polarisation and dysfunction
- the erosion of the liberal order and soft power
- de-dollarisation talk.
- Concl: US hegemony persists but is constrained by China's rise, overstretch and domestic strain — a relative decline.
- Cite: Paul Kennedy ("imperial overstretch"); the multipolarity debate.
Section B — India & the World
5(a)[10m] Explain major features of India's Foreign Policy in the 21st century.
- Intro: India's 21st-century foreign policy is pragmatic, multi-aligned and economically driven.
- strategic autonomy/multi-alignment (the QUAD, BRICS, the SCO)
- economic diplomacy, energy and technology
- Neighbourhood First, Act East, the Indo-Pacific
- the Global South and reformed multilateralism
- the diaspora, soft power, a "leading power".
- Concl: India's FP has moved from non-alignment to confident, interest-driven multi-alignment as a rising power.
- Cite: S. Jaishankar (The India Way); "strategic autonomy".
5(b)[10m] What are the reasons for lack of regionness in South Asia?
- Intro: South Asia is among the world's least integrated regions — it lacks "regionness".
- India-Pakistan hostility paralyses SAARC
- asymmetry (India's size) → mistrust of the "big brother"
- low intra-regional trade (~5%), poor connectivity, non-tariff barriers
- extra-regional powers (China)
- identity and border disputes
- the consensus-veto rule.
- Concl: Conflict, asymmetry and mistrust keep South Asia poorly integrated — sub-regionalism (BIMSTEC) offers a partial path.
- Cite: SAARC; SAFTA; the concept of "regionness".
5(c)[10m] Why is the compromise reached at WTO regarding the Covid-19 vaccine manufacturing not a TRIPS waiver?
- Intro: The 2022 WTO outcome on COVID vaccines fell short of a true TRIPS waiver.
- India and South Africa proposed a broad TRIPS waiver (2020) for vaccines, therapeutics and diagnostics
- the MC12 (2022) "compromise": a limited, vaccine-only easing of patent rules, with conditions
- it excluded therapeutics/diagnostics; with many caveats
- developed-country and pharma resistance
- "too little, too late".
- Concl: The compromise was a diluted, conditional easing — not the broad TRIPS waiver the South sought.
- Cite: the TRIPS waiver proposal (2020); the MC12 outcome (2022).
5(d)[10m] Why do ethnic conflicts and insurgencies continue to remain a major impediment to regional cooperation in South Asia?
- Intro: Ethnic conflicts and insurgencies impede regional cooperation in South Asia.
- Sri Lanka (the Tamils), Pakistan (the Baloch), Myanmar (the Rohingya), India's NE, Afghanistan
- cross-border ethnic ties, refugees, insurgent sanctuaries
- they breed mutual suspicion and interference (e.g., over the LTTE)
- they securitise borders and obstruct connectivity and trust
- spillover effects.
- Concl: Ethnic strife fuels cross-border mistrust and interference — a persistent barrier to South Asian cooperation.
- Cite: the Sri Lankan civil war; the Rohingya crisis.
5(e)[10m] What diplomatic steps has India taken to articulate the interests of the Global South in International Politics?
- Intro: India has actively articulated the interests of the Global South.
- the Voice of Global South Summits (2023)
- the G20 presidency — African Union inclusion, a development focus
- vaccine diplomacy (Vaccine Maitri), disaster relief
- climate justice (the ISA, CDRI, CBDR)
- Digital Public Infrastructure, capacity-building (ITEC)
- reformed multilateralism.
- Concl: India has positioned itself as the leading voice and bridge for the Global South in global governance.
- Cite: the Voice of Global South Summits; the G20 (2023); Vaccine Maitri.
6(a)[20m] Arms trade, economic ties and congruent geo-political interests are no longer the three pillars of India-Russia relationship in the emerging strategic context. Comment.
- Intro: The traditional pillars of India-Russia ties (arms, economy, geopolitics) are under strain in a new context.
- arms: still major, but India is diversifying (the West, indigenisation)
- economy: low trade, but discounted oil post-Ukraine surged it
- geopolitics: Russia's tilt to China complicates congruence
- but enduring trust, the S-400, energy, multipolar convergence
- India's balancing of Russia and the West.
- Concl: The old pillars are eroding, but the ties endure on trust, energy and a shared multipolar vision — recalibrated, not abandoned.
- Cite: the S-400; post-Ukraine oil trade; multi-alignment.
6(b)[15m] Discuss the importance of India's role in UN peacekeeping operations as a ground for its claim to a permanent seat in the UNSC.
- Intro: India's leading role in UN peacekeeping bolsters its claim to a permanent UNSC seat.
- India is among the largest troop contributors (~250,000 cumulatively)
- a record of sacrifice, professionalism and women peacekeepers
- it demonstrates a commitment to international peace and responsibility
- a moral and practical case for the seat
- but the seat depends on P5 politics, not merit.
- Concl: India's peacekeeping record strengthens the merit of its UNSC claim — though reform hinges on great-power politics.
- Cite: UN peacekeeping; the G4; the Ezulwini Consensus.
6(c)[15m] Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) performs an important role in Indo-Pacific strategy to counter Chinese ambitions. Examine.
- Intro: The QUAD plays a key role in the Indo-Pacific strategy to balance China.
- the QUAD: India, the US, Japan, Australia — a "diamond" of democracies
- from a 2007 idea, revived in 2017, leader-level since 2021
- agenda: maritime security, supply chains, vaccines, critical tech, infrastructure
- not a military alliance ("Asian NATO") but a strategic coalition
- it deters Chinese assertiveness.
- Concl: The QUAD is a flexible strategic coalition upholding a free, open Indo-Pacific and balancing China.
- Cite: the QUAD; the FOIP; the Malabar exercise.
7(a)[20m] India's Nuclear policy is deeply influenced by its cultural beliefs and pragmatic foreign policy. Discuss.
- Intro: India's nuclear policy reflects both its cultural-strategic beliefs and pragmatic security needs.
- cultural: ahimsa, disarmament advocacy, restraint, No First Use
- pragmatic: deterrence against China and Pakistan, status, autonomy
- "credible minimum deterrence"; civilian-controlled
- a refusal of the discriminatory NPT/CTBT
- a "responsible" nuclear power (the NSG waiver).
- Concl: India's nuclear posture blends a moral-restraint tradition with hard-headed deterrence — restrained yet credible.
- Cite: No First Use; "credible minimum deterrence"; Pokhran (1998).
7(b)[15m] What steps has India taken to regain its foothold in Afghanistan since the Taliban takeover?
- Intro: India has cautiously sought to regain a foothold in Afghanistan since the 2021 Taliban takeover.
- India's prior investment (~$3bn: the parliament, the Salma dam, roads)
- post-2021: a closed embassy → a "technical team" reopened (2022); humanitarian aid (wheat, medicines)
- concerns: terrorism (the Haqqani network, anti-India groups), Pakistan's role, China
- pragmatic, non-recognising engagement.
- Concl: India re-engages Afghanistan pragmatically — humanitarian aid and a limited presence to protect interests without recognition.
- Cite: the Salma (Friendship) Dam; the 2021 Taliban takeover.
7(c)[15m] What are the challenges and limitations in India-Iran relations?
- Intro: India-Iran ties, historically warm, face challenges from sanctions and geopolitics.
- convergence: energy, the Chabahar port, the INSTC, Afghanistan, connectivity to Central Asia
- challenges: US sanctions (oil imports halted), the Iran-China deal, the Saudi/Israel balance
- slow Chabahar progress (the 2024 long-term deal)
- India's balancing of Iran, the US, Israel and the Gulf.
- Concl: India navigates Iran ties amid US sanctions and rivalries — Chabahar and connectivity anchor a pragmatic, constrained partnership.
- Cite: the Chabahar port; the INSTC; US sanctions.
8(a)[20m] What are the external determinants of the Foreign Policy of a State?
- Intro: A State's foreign policy is shaped by external (international) as well as internal determinants.
- the international system/structure (polarity, anarchy)
- the balance of power and alliances
- geography and the neighbourhood
- international law, institutions and norms
- the global economy and interdependence
- the actions of other States and great powers
- international public opinion.
- Concl: External determinants — system structure, the power balance, geography and the global economy — fundamentally shape foreign policy.
- Cite: Hans Morgenthau; James Rosenau (linkage politics).
8(b)[15m] Discuss the significance of West Asia Quad in the light of India's Look West policy.
- Intro: The "West Asia Quad" (I2U2 — India, Israel, the UAE, the US) advances India's Look West policy.
- I2U2 (2021): cooperation in food security, water, energy, technology and space
- it leverages Israel's tech, Gulf capital, US strategic weight and India's market
- part of "Look/Link West"; the Abraham Accords context
- the IMEC corridor
- India's deepening Gulf ties (energy, the diaspora, trade).
- Concl: I2U2 anchors India's Look West policy — a minilateral linking the Gulf, Israel and the US for economic and strategic gains.
- Cite: I2U2 (2021); the Abraham Accords; IMEC.
8(c)[15m] Discuss the major drivers of India's interests in Africa.
- Intro: India is deepening its engagement with Africa, driven by multiple interests.
- resources and energy, markets, the diaspora
- UNSC-reform and Global-South solidarity
- maritime security (the IOR, anti-piracy)
- countering China's footprint
- instruments: lines of credit, ITEC, the India-Africa Forum Summit, the pan-African e-network.
- Concl: Energy, markets, the diaspora, security and balancing China drive India's Africa engagement — a development-partnership model.
- Cite: the India-Africa Forum Summit; ITEC; lines of credit.
PSIR Paper 2 · 2022
Section A — Comparative Politics & International Relations
1(a)[10m] Discuss the main limitations of the comparative method to the study of Political Science.
- Intro: The comparative method, though central to Political Science, has key limitations.
- "too many variables, too few cases" (Lijphart)
- conceptual stretching (Sartori)
- ethnocentrism/Eurocentric bias
- non-comparable/non-equivalent data
- no laboratory control; the selection-bias problem.
- Concl: It remains the discipline's core method but demands care to avoid bias, stretching and weak inference.
- Cite: Arend Lijphart; Giovanni Sartori.
1(b)[10m] What are the main challenges faced by the developing countries in the era of globalisation?
- Intro: Globalisation poses distinctive challenges for developing countries.
- economic vulnerability, volatility, dependency (1997, 2008)
- inequality, jobless growth, the "race to the bottom"
- erosion of policy space and sovereignty
- cultural homogenisation; the digital divide
- unequal terms of trade.
- Concl: Globalisation offers growth but exposes the South to dependency, volatility and inequality — gains demand managed integration.
- Cite: Stiglitz; dependency theory.
1(c)[10m] Discuss the commonalities between the Marxist and Realist approach to the study of International Politics.
- Intro: Despite deep differences, Marxism and Realism share notable commonalities in studying IR.
- both materialist (economy/power, not ideas)
- both see conflict and competition as endemic
- both structural (a system shapes actors)
- both critique liberal idealism
- they differ: class vs the State as the unit; economics vs power as the driver.
- Concl: Both are structural, materialist and conflict-centric — diverging on whether class or the State is the prime mover.
- Cite: Marx/Lenin; Morgenthau/Waltz.
1(d)[10m] Bipolar structure of the world is more stable than the multipolar one. Comment.
- Intro: Whether bipolarity is more stable than multipolarity is a classic neorealist debate.
- Waltz: bipolarity is more stable — clarity, fewer miscalculations, easier balancing (the Cold War "long peace")
- Deutsch & Singer: multipolarity is more stable — more interaction, cross-cutting ties, flexibility
- today's emerging multipolarity and uncertainty
- the "unipolar moment" critique.
- Concl: Waltz's case for bipolar stability is strong, but a managed multipolarity can also be stable — structure shapes, not determines.
- Cite: Kenneth Waltz; Deutsch & Singer.
1(e)[10m] National Interest is an essentially contested concept. Comment.
- Intro: "National interest" is an essentially contested concept — defined differently by different actors.
- realists: survival, security, power (Morgenthau's "interest defined as power")
- but who defines it? — elites, ideology, regime type
- subjective, value-laden, shifting
- vital vs secondary; short- vs long-term
- contested between schools (realist/liberal/constructivist).
- Concl: National interest guides foreign policy yet resists a single definition — inherently contested and constructed.
- Cite: Hans Morgenthau; W.B. Gallie ("essentially contested concepts").
2(a)[20m] How has the electoral democracy augmented the participation of people in the democratic process?
- Intro: Electoral democracy has significantly augmented popular participation in the political process.
- universal adult franchise → mass inclusion
- competitive elections, parties and campaigns mobilise citizens
- the rise of the marginalised (caste, class, gender — India's "silent revolution", Yadav)
- but participation ≠ deliberation; money, populism, the turnout paradox
- beyond voting: protest, movements.
- Concl: Elections have widened participation and empowered the marginalised — though deepening democracy needs more than the vote.
- Cite: Yogendra Yadav ("silent revolution"); Robert Dahl (polyarchy).
2(b)[15m] Discuss the role of social movements in strengthening the democratic processes in developing societies.
- Intro: Social movements strengthen democratic processes in developing societies.
- they articulate excluded interests (women, Dalits, tribals, the environment)
- deepen participation beyond elections
- hold the State accountable (RTI, anti-corruption)
- "new social movements" — identity, rights, post-material
- but the risk of disruption/co-optation.
- Concl: Social movements deepen and democratise developing democracies by empowering the excluded and checking power.
- Cite: new social movements (Touraine, Offe); India's RTI/Narmada movements.
2(c)[15m] Describe the composition of the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Discuss its voluntary jurisdiction.
- Intro: The ICJ's composition and consent-based jurisdiction define its working.
- 15 judges, nine-year terms, no two from one State (the UNGA + UNSC elect)
- "voluntary"/contentious jurisdiction rests on State consent — via special agreement, a treaty clause, or the "optional clause" (Art 36(2))
- + advisory jurisdiction
- consent is the basis and the limit
- example: Jadhav.
- Concl: The ICJ's authority rests on State consent — its voluntary jurisdiction is both its legitimacy and its constraint.
- Cite: the ICJ Statute (Art 36); the optional clause.
3(a)[20m] Critically examine the rise of People's Republic of China (PRC) as a great power and its implications on Asian Political order.
- Intro: China's rise as a great power profoundly reshapes the Asian political order.
- economic and military rise; assertiveness (the South China Sea, the LAC, Taiwan)
- the BRI, debt diplomacy, the "String of Pearls"
- challenges to US primacy and to neighbours
- responses: the QUAD, Indo-Pacific balancing
- a "peaceful rise" claim vs revisionism.
- Concl: China's rise is recasting Asia's order — provoking balancing (the QUAD) and contesting US primacy and India's space.
- Cite: the South China Sea; the BRI; the "Asian Century" debate.
3(b)[15m] Discuss the conceptual dimensions of collective security.
- Intro: Collective security is the idea that aggression against one is aggression against all.
- "one for all, all for one" — a universal, automatic response
- vs the balance of power and alliances
- the League's failure (Manchuria, Abyssinia); the UN Ch VII
- requirements: universality, commitment, capability
- limits: the P5 veto, selectivity, national interest.
- Concl: Collective security is a powerful ideal but is hobbled by great-power politics — only partially realised in the UN.
- Cite: the League of Nations; UN Charter Ch VII; Inis Claude.
3(c)[15m] Discuss the efficacy of global conventions to combat international terrorism.
- Intro: Global conventions to combat international terrorism have had limited efficacy.
- 19 sectoral instruments + UNSC measures (1267, 1373)
- but no agreed definition of "terrorism"
- India's stalled CCIT proposal
- State sponsorship, safe havens, double standards
- new forms: cyber, lone-wolf, financing (the FATF).
- Concl: Conventions provide a partial framework but lack a common definition and enforcement — terrorism needs a comprehensive, depoliticised regime.
- Cite: India's CCIT proposal; UNSC Res 1373; the FATF.
4(a)[20m] Identify and evaluate the reasons for deadlock in the WTO negotiations on fisheries between the developing and developed countries.
- Intro: WTO negotiations on fisheries subsidies long deadlocked over a North-South divide.
- the aim: curb subsidies driving overfishing (SDG 14.6)
- developed nations' large, harmful subsidies vs developing nations' small-scale fishers
- the South demands S&DT/policy space and "polluter pays"
- India's defence of subsistence fishers and a longer transition
- a partial deal at MC12 (2022).
- Concl: The deadlock reflected equity vs sustainability — a partial MC12 deal was reached, but core S&DT issues persist.
- Cite: the WTO Fisheries Agreement (MC12, 2022); SDG 14.6.
4(b)[15m] What is the realist prescription to the States to ensure their survival in an anarchical world?
- Intro: Realism prescribes self-help strategies for State survival in an anarchic world.
- anarchy → self-help; rely on your own power
- maximise/balance power (an internal build-up + alliances)
- pursue national interest defined as power (Morgenthau)
- prudence, not morality, in statecraft
- the balance of power and deterrence.
- Concl: Realism counsels self-reliance, power and prudent balancing as the path to survival under anarchy.
- Cite: Morgenthau (Politics Among Nations); Waltz (self-help).
4(c)[15m] Russian-Ukraine crisis has cast a dark shadow on the energy needs of the member states of the European Union (EU). Comment.
- Intro: The Russia-Ukraine war has gravely jeopardised the energy security of the EU.
- the EU's heavy dependence on Russian gas/oil
- the war → sanctions, the Nord Stream cut, a price spike, inflation
- the scramble: LNG, diversification, renewables (REPowerEU), demand cuts
- energy weaponised; the "security-economy" nexus
- an accelerated green transition.
- Concl: The war exposed the EU's energy vulnerability — forcing diversification and a faster green transition.
- Cite: REPowerEU; the Nord Stream pipelines; energy weaponisation.
Section B — India & the World
5(a)[10m] Peaceful co-existence remains the cornerstone of India's foreign policy. Comment.
- Intro: Peaceful co-existence (Panchsheel) remains a cornerstone of India's foreign policy.
- Panchsheel (1954): the five principles — sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference, equality, co-existence
- rooted in NAM, anti-colonialism, a civilisational ethos
- it guides neighbourhood and global conduct
- tested by China (1962, Galwan)
- it continues in strategic autonomy and dialogue.
- Concl: Peaceful co-existence endures as a normative anchor — though tempered by hard security realities.
- Cite: Panchsheel (1954); the NAM.
5(b)[10m] Discuss the ways and means to realise greater economic co-operation among the Member States of South Asia.
- Intro: Realising greater economic co-operation among South Asian States needs concerted effort.
- operationalise SAFTA; cut non-tariff barriers and negative lists
- improve connectivity (BBIN, transit, energy grids)
- trade facilitation, value chains
- build trust; insulate economics from politics
- leverage sub-regionalism (BIMSTEC) and India's leadership.
- Concl: Deeper South Asian economic integration needs connectivity, SAFTA's full use and de-linking trade from politics.
- Cite: SAFTA; the BBIN initiative; BIMSTEC.
5(c)[10m] Discuss the steps required to realise hydro-co-operation between India and Bangladesh.
- Intro: Hydro-cooperation is key to India-Bangladesh ties, with both promise and friction.
- 54 shared rivers; the Ganga Water Treaty (1996) a success
- the pending Teesta accord (stalled by West Bengal)
- floods, silt, water-sharing, upstream concerns
- a basin-wide, integrated approach; the Kushiyara deal (2022)
- a model for the neighbourhood.
- Concl: Strengthening hydro-cooperation — concluding Teesta and a basin approach — would anchor India-Bangladesh trust.
- Cite: the Ganga Water Treaty (1996); the Teesta dispute; the Kushiyara MoU (2022).
5(d)[10m] Explain the significance of Basic Exchange and Co-operation Agreement (BECA) for Indo-US strategic relations.
- Intro: BECA (2020) completed the foundational defence agreements anchoring Indo-US strategic ties.
- BECA: sharing geospatial intelligence, maps and satellite data → precision targeting and navigation
- it completes the quartet with GSOMIA, LEMOA, COMCASA
- deepens interoperability and trust
- signals strategic convergence vs China
- India keeps its autonomy.
- Concl: BECA capped the foundational agreements — a milestone deepening Indo-US defence interoperability and strategic alignment.
- Cite: BECA (2020); LEMOA, COMCASA, GSOMIA.
5(e)[10m] Discuss the role of public diplomacy in the enhancement of India's global standing.
- Intro: Public diplomacy is increasingly central to enhancing India's global standing.
- engaging foreign publics: culture, yoga, the diaspora, Bollywood, education
- instruments: the ICCR, Vaccine Maitri, disaster relief, the IDY
- digital diplomacy and social media
- soft power (Nye) projecting values and a development model
- shaping the narrative.
- Concl: Public diplomacy amplifies India's soft power and image — a vital complement to hard power in its rise.
- Cite: Joseph Nye (soft power); the ICCR; the International Day of Yoga.
6(a)[20m] Discuss the relevance of the demand for New International Economic Order (NIEO) in the present era of globalisation.
- Intro: The demand for a New International Economic Order (NIEO) retains relevance amid globalisation.
- the 1974 NIEO demand: fair trade, technology transfer, sovereignty over resources, debt relief
- persisting inequities: terms of trade, the digital/vaccine divide, debt
- today: climate justice, WTO reform, the Global South voice
- India's leadership; reformed multilateralism.
- Concl: The NIEO's core demand for equity endures — recast today as climate justice, fair trade and Global-South solidarity.
- Cite: the NIEO (1974); the G77; the Voice of Global South.
6(b)[15m] Critically examine the major factors responsible for a turnaround in the trajectory of India's foreign policy in the post-cold war period.
- Intro: India's foreign policy turned sharply after the Cold War, driven by several factors.
- the USSR's collapse → loss of a key partner; a unipolar world
- the 1991 crisis → liberalisation and economic diplomacy
- engaging the US, Israel, ASEAN (Look East)
- from non-alignment to multi-alignment and pragmatism
- the nuclear tests (1998) and recovery.
- Concl: The end of the Cold War and the 1991 reforms recast India's FP toward pragmatism, economics and multi-alignment.
- Cite: the 1991 reforms; Look East; Pokhran II (1998).
6(c)[15m] Discuss the reasons behind India's refusal to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT).
- Intro: India has consistently refused to sign the NPT as discriminatory.
- the NPT splits nuclear "haves"/"have-nots" — discriminatory
- security: China and Pakistan
- sovereignty; no time-bound P5 disarmament
- India kept its option (1974, 1998)
- but a responsible record — No First Use, the 2008 NSG waiver.
- Concl: India rejects the NPT's discrimination while acting as a responsible nuclear power seeking the order's recognition.
- Cite: the NPT (1968); Pokhran (1974, 1998); the NSG waiver (2008).
7(a)[20m] What are the main drivers of India-Japan Strategic and Global Partnership?
- Intro: India-Japan ties have grown into a Special Strategic and Global Partnership.
- convergence on China and a free, open Indo-Pacific
- economics: investment, infrastructure (the bullet train), the AAGC
- defence: the 2+2, ACSA, exercises
- tech, the supply-chain resilience initiative
- shared democratic values; the QUAD.
- Concl: A shared Indo-Pacific vision, China concerns and deep economic ties drive a robust India-Japan strategic partnership.
- Cite: the Special Strategic & Global Partnership; the QUAD; the bullet-train project.
7(b)[15m] What are the implications of Look-East Policy on the north-eastern region of India?
- Intro: The Look/Act East Policy has significant implications for India's North-East.
- the NE as the "gateway"/land-bridge to ASEAN
- connectivity: the Trilateral Highway, the Kaladan project
- trade, investment, development of the region
- but security (insurgency, Myanmar instability) and implementation lags
- leveraging cultural/ethnic ties.
- Concl: Act East can transform the NE from a periphery into a connectivity hub — if connectivity and security gaps are bridged.
- Cite: the Trilateral Highway; the Kaladan Multi-Modal project; Act East.
7(c)[15m] Explain the factors which justify India's claim for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council.
- Intro: India has a strong claim to a permanent UNSC seat on multiple grounds.
- size: population, economy, military
- a founding UN member; the top peacekeeping contributor
- a responsible nuclear power; a democracy
- representing the Global South and reform (the G4)
- but blocked by the P5 veto and the "Coffee Club".
- Concl: India's credentials strongly justify a permanent seat — though structural reform is hostage to great-power politics.
- Cite: the G4; the Ezulwini Consensus; Uniting for Consensus.
8(a)[20m] How does India-Israel bilateral ties reflect the autonomy of India's foreign policy choices?
- Intro: India-Israel ties reflect the growing autonomy of India's foreign-policy choices.
- full ties since 1992; de-hyphenation from Palestine
- defence, agriculture, water, technology, counter-terror
- open, high-level engagement (the 2017 PM visit)
- balanced with Palestine and the Arab world
- interest over ideology.
- Concl: The open Israel partnership shows India's confident, de-hyphenated, autonomous foreign policy.
- Cite: de-hyphenation; the 1992 normalisation; the 2017 visit.
8(b)[15m] Discuss the consequences of illegal cross-border migration in India's north-eastern region.
- Intro: Illegal cross-border migration has serious consequences for India's North-East.
- from Bangladesh (and Myanmar) into Assam and the NE
- demographic anxiety, identity, son-of-the-soil movements (the Assam Accord, the NRC)
- resource and job competition, ethnic tension, violence
- security: trafficking, insurgents
- citizenship debates (the CAA).
- Concl: Illegal migration strains the NE's demography, identity and security — needing humane but firm border management.
- Cite: the Assam Accord (1985); the NRC; the CAA.
8(c)[15m] Discuss India's vision of a New World order in the 21st century.
- Intro: India envisions a reformed, multipolar, equitable world order.
- multipolarity and strategic autonomy
- reformed multilateralism (the UNSC, the WTO, the IMF)
- a rules-based order; democratised global governance
- the Global South's voice; "Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam"
- development, climate justice, connectivity.
- Concl: India seeks a multipolar, rules-based, equitable order — reforming institutions and voicing the Global South.
- Cite: "reformed multilateralism"; Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam; the G20 (2023).
PSIR Paper 2 · 2021
Section A — Comparative Politics & International Relations
1(a)[10m] Discuss the political economy approach to the comparative analysis of politics.
- Intro: The political economy approach studies politics through its interplay with economic structures.
- it links the State, the market and class
- Marxist roots: the economic base shapes the political superstructure
- also liberal/institutional political economy
- explains policy via interests, class and capital
- applied to comparative development and the State's role.
- Concl: It illuminates how economic forces shape politics — central to comparing development and State-market relations.
- Cite: Marx; the "new political economy".
1(b)[10m] Political parties and pressure groups are sine qua non of democracy. Comment.
- Intro: Political parties and pressure groups are indispensable to democracy.
- parties: aggregate interests, contest power, form government, ensure accountability
- pressure groups: articulate specific interests, inform, check power between elections
- together they link society and State
- but money, elitism and capture
- pluralism (Dahl).
- Concl: Parties and pressure groups are vital democratic linkages — though they must be kept representative and accountable.
- Cite: Robert Dahl (pluralism).
1(c)[10m] Marxist approach to the study of international relations has lost its relevance in the post-cold war era. Comment.
- Intro: The claim that Marxism lost relevance after the Cold War is contested.
- for: the USSR's collapse, capitalism's triumph, "the end of history" (Fukuyama)
- against: it still explains inequality, global capitalism, imperialism (neo-Marxism, world-systems, dependency)
- relevance after the 2008 crisis and globalisation's discontents
- Cox, Wallerstein.
- Concl: Marxism lost its State-socialist model but retains analytical power on capitalism and inequality — far from irrelevant.
- Cite: Fukuyama (counter); Wallerstein, Robert Cox.
1(d)[10m] What measures have been undertaken by the United Nations for its reforms?
- Intro: The UN has undertaken various reform measures, though core reform lags.
- management/Secretariat reform (Guterres)
- peacekeeping reforms (the Brahimi, HIPPO reports)
- the SDGs, "Our Common Agenda"
- but UNSC reform is stalled (the IGN, the G4 vs the Coffee Club)
- financing and accountability.
- Concl: The UN has reformed management and peacekeeping, but the central UNSC reform remains blocked.
- Cite: the Brahimi Report; "Our Common Agenda"; the IGN.
1(e)[10m] Discuss the five proposals made by India in the recent COP-26 conference held in Glasgow.
- Intro: At COP-26 Glasgow (2021), India announced five climate commitments — "Panchamrit".
- 500 GW non-fossil capacity by 2030
- 50% of energy from renewables by 2030
- cut one billion tonnes of projected emissions by 2030
- reduce emissions intensity 45% by 2030
- net-zero by 2070
- + "LIFE" (sustainable lifestyles) and the climate-justice demand.
- Concl: India's "Panchamrit" balanced ambitious targets with climate-justice demands on finance and equity.
- Cite: COP-26 "Panchamrit" (2021); Mission LIFE.
2(a)[20m] The post-colonial state was thought of an entity that stood outside and above society as an autonomous agency. Explain.
- Intro: The post-colonial state was theorised as standing above society as an autonomous, "overdeveloped" agency.
- Hamza Alavi: the "overdeveloped" post-colonial state — inheriting a strong colonial apparatus over a weak class structure
- relatively autonomous of any single class; it mediates among propertied classes
- a central role in development and accumulation
- critique: not truly neutral; class and elite capture.
- Concl: The post-colonial state's relative autonomy reflects its colonial inheritance — but it remains tied to dominant class interests.
- Cite: Hamza Alavi ("overdeveloped state"); Pranab Bardhan.
2(b)[15m] Discuss the emergence of neo-realism and its basic tenets.
- Intro: Neo-realism (structural realism) explains State behaviour by the structure of the international system.
- Waltz: anarchy is the ordering principle
- States as like units differing in capability
- the distribution of power (polarity) shapes behaviour
- self-help, survival, the security dilemma
- vs classical realism's "human nature" → structure.
- Concl: Neo-realism relocates the cause of conflict from human nature to anarchic structure — a parsimonious systemic theory.
- Cite: Kenneth Waltz (Theory of International Politics).
2(c)[15m] What is complex interdependence? Discuss the role of transnational actors in the international system.
- Intro: Complex interdependence (Keohane & Nye) challenges realism by stressing interconnection.
- three traits: multiple channels, no hierarchy of issues, a reduced role of force
- transnational actors (MNCs, NGOs, IGOs)
- mutual vulnerability and sensitivity
- cooperation via institutions/regimes
- vs realist state-centrism.
- Concl: Complex interdependence shows a world of multiple actors and muted force — institutions, not just power, govern relations.
- Cite: Keohane & Nye (Power and Interdependence).
3(a)[20m] Explain the impact of electoral systems and cleavages in shaping party systems with reference to developing countries.
- Intro: Electoral systems and social cleavages jointly shape party systems in developing countries.
- Duverger: plurality → two parties; PR → multiparty
- Lipset-Rokkan: cleavages (class, religion, ethnicity, region) structure parties
- in developing states: ethnic/regional cleavages and fragmentation
- India: FPTP + social cleavages → a multiparty, coalitional system
- the institutionalisation problem.
- Concl: Electoral rules and cleavages together mould party systems — producing fragmented, identity-based politics in many developing states.
- Cite: Duverger's Law; Lipset & Rokkan (cleavages).
3(b)[15m] What is globalisation? Why is there an intense debate about globalisation and its consequences?
- Intro: Globalisation is the deepening interconnection of economies, societies and cultures — and is intensely debated.
- defining: flows of trade, capital, people and ideas; "time-space compression"
- the debate: hyperglobalists vs sceptics vs transformationalists (Held)
- consequences: growth vs inequality, homogenisation vs hybridity, sovereignty erosion
- winners and losers; the backlash.
- Concl: Globalisation is real but uneven — the debate is over its scale, its winners/losers and whether it is reversible.
- Cite: David Held (the three schools); Thomas Friedman.
3(c)[15m] Critically examine the decline of the United States of America as a hegemon and its implications for the changing international political order.
- Intro: The relative decline of US hegemony is reshaping the international order.
- China's rise; a multipolar/non-polar shift
- "imperial overstretch" (Kennedy); war fatigue
- the 2008 crisis; domestic polarisation
- the erosion of the liberal order and soft power
- but enduring military/dollar dominance (the "declinism" debate).
- Concl: US primacy is eroding relatively, ushering in a more multipolar, contested order — though American power endures.
- Cite: Paul Kennedy; the "unipolar moment" (Krauthammer) debate.
4(a)[20m] The modernization thesis asserts that affluence breeds stable democracy. How do you explain the success of India being the world's largest democracy as an exceptional case?
- Intro: The modernization thesis holds that affluence breeds stable democracy — yet India is a striking exception.
- Lipset: economic development → democracy (the "social requisites")
- India democratised while poor and diverse — an "exception"
- explanations: the nationalist movement, institutions, federalism, elite commitment, accommodation (Kohli)
- it challenges Lipset's economic determinism.
- Concl: India shows democracy can thrive without prior affluence — refuting strict modernization theory through institutions and accommodation.
- Cite: Seymour Lipset (modernization); Atul Kohli; the "Indian exception".
4(b)[15m] Explain the success of ASEAN as a regional organisation.
- Intro: ASEAN is a notably successful regional organisation in the developing world.
- from 1967; peace and stability in a diverse region
- the "ASEAN Way": consensus, non-interference, informality
- economic integration (AFTA, the AEC)
- centrality in the wider architecture (the ARF, the EAS, RCEP)
- limits: the South China Sea, the Myanmar crisis, the unanimity rule.
- Concl: ASEAN succeeded via the consensual "ASEAN Way" and its centrality — though big-power rivalry tests its cohesion.
- Cite: the "ASEAN Way"; ASEAN centrality; the AEC.
4(c)[15m] Explain India's relations with the European Union in the context of Brexit.
- Intro: Brexit reshaped India's engagement with the EU and the UK.
- the UK was India's "gateway" to the EU; Brexit ended that
- now two separate tracks: an India-EU FTA (revived 2021) + an India-UK FTA
- the EU: trade, tech, connectivity, the Indo-Pacific, a Trade & Technology Council
- the UK: the "Living Bridge", the diaspora, defence
- strategic convergence on China.
- Concl: Brexit prompted India to pursue the EU and the UK separately — deepening both as distinct strategic and trade partners.
- Cite: the India-EU FTA; the India-UK FTA; Brexit.
Section B — India & the World
5(a)[10m] Discuss the strategic implications of India's Look East Policy transforming into Act East Policy.
- Intro: The upgrade from "Look East" to "Act East" (2014) deepened India's strategic engagement with the Indo-Pacific.
- Look East (1991): economic engagement with ASEAN
- Act East: adds strategic, security and connectivity dimensions; extends to the wider Indo-Pacific and the Pacific
- defence ties, the QUAD, maritime security
- NE connectivity (the Trilateral Highway, Kaladan)
- balancing China.
- Concl: Act East transformed an economic policy into a strategic Indo-Pacific posture — central to balancing China.
- Cite: Act East (2014); the QUAD; the Trilateral Highway.
5(b)[10m] Explain the philosophical foundations of India's foreign policy.
- Intro: India's foreign policy rests on deep philosophical-civilisational foundations.
- "Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam" (the world is one family)
- ahimsa, dialogue, peaceful co-existence (Panchsheel)
- Buddhist and Gandhian ethics; tolerance, pluralism
- anti-colonial solidarity (NAM)
- strategic autonomy and moral pragmatism (Kautilya's realism too).
- Concl: India's FP blends civilisational idealism (Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, ahimsa) with Kautilyan pragmatism — values plus interest.
- Cite: Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam; Panchsheel; Kautilya's Arthashastra.
5(c)[10m] Explain India's position on the waiver of intellectual property rights on COVID-19 vaccines in WTO.
- Intro: India (with South Africa) led the WTO push to waive IPR on COVID vaccines.
- the 2020 proposal: temporarily waive TRIPS on vaccines, therapeutics and diagnostics
- rationale: equity, scaling production, "no one is safe till all are safe"
- opposition from developed nations and pharma
- the diluted MC12 outcome (2022)
- vaccine nationalism vs a global public good.
- Concl: India championed the waiver as a vaccine-equity cause — a moral leadership of the South, only partly realised.
- Cite: the TRIPS waiver proposal (2020); the MC12 outcome.
5(d)[10m] Write about the growing significance of QUAD.
- Intro: The QUAD has grown in significance as a key Indo-Pacific grouping.
- India, the US, Japan, Australia
- revived 2017; leader-summits since 2021
- agenda: maritime security, vaccines, critical tech, supply chains, infrastructure, climate
- not a military bloc but strategic
- it balances China; upholds a free, open Indo-Pacific.
- Concl: The QUAD has matured into a substantive strategic coalition shaping the Indo-Pacific and balancing China.
- Cite: the QUAD; the FOIP; the Malabar exercise.
5(e)[10m] How does the recent takeover of Afghanistan by Taliban impact India's strategic interests?
- Intro: The 2021 Taliban takeover of Afghanistan poses serious challenges to India's strategic interests.
- a loss of ~$3bn investment and leverage; a closed embassy
- terrorism risk (anti-India groups, the Haqqani network, LeT/JeM)
- Pakistan's gain; China's entry
- but pragmatic re-engagement (a technical team, humanitarian aid)
- regional connectivity (Chabahar, the INSTC) at stake.
- Concl: The takeover eroded India's gains and raised terror and strategic risks — prompting cautious, interest-based re-engagement.
- Cite: the 2021 takeover; Chabahar; the Haqqani network.
6(a)[20m] Non-alignment was little more than a rational strategy on the part of a materially weak India to maximise its interests with a bipolar distribution of global power. Comment.
- Intro: Non-alignment is best read as a rational strategy for a materially weak India to maximise interests in a bipolar world.
- it avoided entanglement and preserved autonomy and manoeuvre
- extracted aid/benefits from both blocs
- focused resources on development
- moral leadership of the decolonising world
- critique: principled idealism vs realist interest — both true.
- Concl: Non-alignment served India's interest and autonomy — a pragmatic strategy as much as a moral stance.
- Cite: Nehru; the NAM; the realist reading (interest-maximisation).
6(b)[15m] Examine the geo-strategic points of contention in the bilateral relationship between India and China.
- Intro: India-China relations are marked by deep geo-strategic points of contention.
- the unresolved boundary (the LAC; 1962, Doklam 2017, Galwan 2020)
- the trade deficit and asymmetry
- the BRI/CPEC (through PoK), the "String of Pearls"
- Tibet/the Dalai Lama, water (the Brahmaputra)
- rivalry for Asian leadership; the QUAD and the Indo-Pacific.
- Concl: The boundary, asymmetry and strategic rivalry make for an enduringly contentious India-China relationship.
- Cite: Galwan (2020); the BRI/CPEC; the LAC.
6(c)[15m] Write a brief analysis of the ethnic conflicts and cross-border migrations along India-Myanmar and India-Bangladesh borders.
- Intro: Ethnic conflicts and cross-border migration strain India's eastern borders with Myanmar and Bangladesh.
- shared ethnic kin across porous borders (Nagas, Mizos, Kukis, Chakmas)
- the Rohingya influx; Bangladeshi migration into Assam/the NE
- insurgent sanctuaries, drugs, arms (the "Golden Triangle")
- demographic and identity anxieties (the NRC, the Assam Accord)
- the FMR and fencing debate.
- Concl: Porous borders and ethnic ties fuel migration and insurgency — demanding humane yet secure border management.
- Cite: the Rohingya crisis; the Assam Accord; the Free Movement Regime.
7(a)[20m] Why South Asia is considered as the world's politically and economically least integrated region? Explain.
- Intro: South Asia is the world's least economically integrated region.
- intra-regional trade ~5% (vs ~25% in ASEAN, ~60% in the EU)
- India-Pakistan hostility paralyses SAARC
- asymmetry and "big brother" mistrust
- poor connectivity, NTBs, political barriers
- the consensus-veto rule; extra-regional powers.
- Concl: Conflict, asymmetry and mistrust keep South Asia fragmented — sub-regionalism (BIMSTEC, BBIN) is the workaround.
- Cite: SAARC; SAFTA; BIMSTEC.
7(b)[15m] How do the constituent states influence the foreign policy making process in India?
- Intro: India's constituent states increasingly influence its foreign-policy making.
- federalism and coalition politics give states a voice
- border states and neighbourhood policy (West Bengal-Teesta, Tamil Nadu-Sri Lanka)
- "para-diplomacy": states courting FDI and trade
- cultural/ethnic links (the NE and Act East)
- tension: foreign affairs is a Union subject.
- Concl: States now shape India's neighbourhood and economic diplomacy — a rising "para-diplomacy" within a Union prerogative.
- Cite: the Teesta/Sri Lanka cases; "para-diplomacy"; cooperative federalism.
7(c)[15m] Examine the evolution of India's role in the global nuclear order.
- Intro: India's role in the global nuclear order has evolved from outsider to a recognised responsible power.
- the 1974 and 1998 tests; outside the NPT (deemed discriminatory)
- No First Use and credible minimum deterrence
- the 2008 NSG waiver; the Indo-US nuclear deal
- memberships: the MTCR, the Wassenaar Arrangement, the Australia Group (not yet the NSG)
- a "responsible nuclear power".
- Concl: India moved from nuclear isolation to mainstream acceptance — a de-facto nuclear-weapon state recognised as responsible.
- Cite: the Indo-US nuclear deal (2008); the NSG waiver; No First Use.
8(a)[20m] Relations between India and Russia are rooted in history, mutual trust and mutually beneficial cooperation. Discuss.
- Intro: India-Russia ties are rooted in history, mutual trust and mutually beneficial cooperation.
- Cold War friendship (the 1971 Treaty); a "time-tested" partnership
- defence (the bulk of India's arms; the S-400, BrahMos), energy, nuclear (Kudankulam), space
- a multipolar convergence
- strains: Russia's China tilt; India's diversification
- post-Ukraine oil trade.
- Concl: A historic, trust-based partnership endures across defence and energy — recalibrated amid new geopolitics.
- Cite: the 1971 Treaty; the S-400; Kudankulam.
8(b)[15m] Discuss the Sustainable Development Goals as set by the United Nations.
- Intro: The UN's Sustainable Development Goals (2015) are a universal agenda for 2030.
- 17 goals, 169 targets — poverty, hunger, health, education, gender, climate, etc.
- universal, integrated, "leave no one behind"
- successors to the MDGs; broader and rights-based
- India's role (key SDGs, the NITI Aayog index)
- challenges: finance, COVID setbacks, the 2030 lag.
- Concl: The SDGs offer an integrated global development blueprint — but financing and post-COVID setbacks imperil the 2030 deadline.
- Cite: the SDGs (2015); the MDGs; Agenda 2030.
8(c)[15m] Identify the drivers of India's new interest in Africa.
- Intro: India has renewed and deepened its strategic interest in Africa.
- energy, resources, markets, the diaspora
- Global-South solidarity and UNSC-reform support
- maritime security (the IOR)
- countering China's footprint
- instruments: the India-Africa Forum Summit, ITEC, lines of credit, the e-network.
- Concl: Energy, markets, security and balancing China drive India's Africa engagement — via a partnership, not patron, model.
- Cite: the India-Africa Forum Summit; ITEC; lines of credit.
PSIR Paper 2 · 2020
Section A — Comparative Politics & International Relations
1(a)[10m] Discuss the subject matter of comparative politics. Outline the limitations of comparative political analysis.
- Intro: Comparative politics studies political systems comparatively to build empirical generalisations.
- subject: States, institutions, processes, behaviour, political economy, development
- from formal-legal → behavioural → political economy/new institutionalism
- goals: classify, explain, predict
- limitations: "too many variables, too few cases", conceptual stretching, ethnocentrism, value-bias.
- Concl: Comparative politics broadens understanding via systematic comparison — but must guard against bias and conceptual stretching.
- Cite: Almond & Powell; Lijphart; Sartori.
1(b)[10m] Analyze the contribution of liberal democratic principles in the democratization of Indian polity.
- Intro: Liberal democratic principles have deeply shaped the democratisation of Indian polity.
- universal franchise, rights, the rule of law, the separation of powers
- the Constitution: FRs, an independent judiciary, free elections
- liberty, equality, secularism, constitutionalism
- deepened by social democracy (the DPSPs, reservations)
- a "procedural + substantive" democracy.
- Concl: Liberal-democratic principles, fused with social justice, built and sustain India's democracy.
- Cite: the Indian Constitution; Ambedkar; liberal democracy.
1(c)[10m] Has the increased participation of the underprivileged in the political process of the developing societies strengthened democracy or created political chaos and conflict? Comment.
- Intro: The rising participation of the underprivileged in developing societies has deepened, not destabilised, democracy.
- India's "silent revolution" (Jaffrelot) — Dalits, OBCs, the marginalised
- deepened representation, dignity, inclusion
- critics see "chaos": populism, identity politics, governance strain
- but it legitimises democracy; Rudolph & Rudolph's "participatory upsurge"
- from elite to mass democracy.
- Concl: The upsurge of the underprivileged has democratised democracy — empowerment, not chaos, is the deeper truth.
- Cite: Christophe Jaffrelot ("silent revolution"); Rudolph & Rudolph.
1(d)[10m] Critically examine the impact of the process of globalization from the perspective of the countries of the Global South.
- Intro: Globalisation's impact on the Global South has been deeply uneven.
- gains: trade, FDI, technology, growth (East Asia), poverty reduction
- costs: dependency, volatility, inequality, lost policy space
- unequal terms; the digital/vaccine divide
- marginalisation of the least-developed
- the dependency/world-systems critique.
- Concl: Globalisation offered the South opportunity amid dependency and inequality — its benefits remain uneven and contested.
- Cite: Stiglitz; dependency theory; world-systems.
1(e)[10m] What are the core assumptions of idealism as an approach to study International Relations? Explain its continuing relevance in peace building.
- Intro: Idealism's core assumptions retain relevance for contemporary peace building.
- assumptions: human cooperation, a harmony of interests, morality, institutions, law
- Kant (perpetual peace), Wilson (collective security)
- peace building: the UN, mediation, the democratic peace, institutions
- critique: utopianism (Carr)
- relevance amid conflict.
- Concl: Idealism's faith in institutions, law and cooperation remains vital to building and keeping peace.
- Cite: Kant; Woodrow Wilson; E.H. Carr (critique).
2(a)[20m] Explain the concept of balance of power. What are the various techniques of maintaining balance of power?
- Intro: Balance of power is a central realist mechanism for managing the distribution of power.
- meaning: an equilibrium preventing any one State's dominance
- techniques: alliances, armaments, divide-and-rule, compensation, buffer States, intervention
- automatic vs contrived
- examples: 19th-century Europe, the Cold War
- critique: ambiguous, unstable.
- Concl: Balance of power restrains hegemony through alliances and armament — a key but imperfect ordering device.
- Cite: Morgenthau; Hedley Bull; the Concert of Europe.
2(b)[15m] Enumerate the challenges in the operation of the principles related to collective security in the UN Charter.
- Intro: Operating collective-security principles under the UN Charter faces serious challenges.
- Ch VII collective measures; but the P5 veto paralyses action (Syria, Ukraine)
- selectivity and double standards
- no standing UN army; reliance on members
- national interest over the collective will
- the rise of "responsibility to protect" and its abuse.
- Concl: Collective security is hobbled by the veto, selectivity and the lack of force — realised only partially under the Charter.
- Cite: UN Charter Ch VII; the veto; R2P.
2(c)[15m] Critically analyze the implications of Sino-American strategic rivalry for the South and South-East Asian region.
- Intro: Sino-American strategic rivalry has major implications for South and Southeast Asia.
- a contest for primacy: trade, tech, the military, the Indo-Pacific
- pressure on regional states to choose sides
- the South China Sea militarisation; ASEAN centrality strained
- for India: the QUAD, the LAC, opportunity and risk
- the "Thucydides Trap" (Allison).
- Concl: The US-China rivalry strains regional autonomy and security — pushing states like India to balance carefully.
- Cite: Graham Allison ("Thucydides Trap"); the South China Sea; the QUAD.
3(a)[20m] Discuss the ways to strengthen the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) to enable it to address the challenges faced by the developing countries.
- Intro: NAM can be revitalised to address the contemporary challenges of developing countries.
- refocus from Cold War neutrality to development, equity, climate, debt and technology
- reform and institutionalise; agenda-setting
- leverage the G77 and South-South cooperation
- a collective Global-South voice (reformed multilateralism)
- India's leadership.
- Concl: NAM stays relevant by reinventing itself as a development-and-equity platform for the Global South — beyond Cold War neutrality.
- Cite: the NAM; the G77; South-South cooperation.
3(b)[15m] Critically evaluate the role of the United States of America in the WTO dispute settlement mechanism and its implications for the future of the WTO.
- Intro: The US role has crippled the WTO's dispute-settlement mechanism, threatening its future.
- the DSM as the "crown jewel" — binding, rules-based
- the US blocked Appellate Body appointments (since 2019) → paralysis
- US grievances: judicial overreach, China
- result: no final appeals; "appeal into the void"
- the MPIA workaround; reform pressure.
- Concl: US obstruction has disabled the WTO's enforcement arm — imperilling the rules-based trade order without reform.
- Cite: the Appellate Body crisis; the MPIA; the WTO DSU.
3(c)[15m] Explain the significance and importance of the demand raised by the developing countries for a New International Economic Order (NIEO). Are they likely to achieve their objectives?
- Intro: The developing countries' demand for a New International Economic Order sought structural global-economic justice.
- the 1974 NIEO: fair trade terms, resource sovereignty, technology transfer, debt relief, regulating MNCs
- via the G77/UNCTAD
- largely unrealised — Northern resistance, the debt crisis, neoliberalism
- partial echoes today (climate finance, WTO S&DT)
- unlikely to be fully achieved.
- Concl: The NIEO's structural demands went largely unmet — but its equity agenda survives in today's Global-South advocacy.
- Cite: the NIEO (1974); the G77; UNCTAD.
4(a)[20m] Discuss the significance and urgency of the UN Security Council reforms. Explain the relevance of reform proposals by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for developing countries.
- Intro: UNSC reform is urgent to make the body representative and legitimate.
- the Council reflects 1945, not today; unrepresentative (no Africa, India, Latin America)
- the veto and paralysis
- India/the G4 and the Ezulwini Consensus
- Guterres: broader UN reform ("Our Common Agenda"), reformed multilateralism for the South
- the IGN deadlock.
- Concl: Reform is vital for the UNSC's legitimacy and the South's voice — yet it remains blocked by entrenched interests.
- Cite: the G4; the Ezulwini Consensus; "Our Common Agenda".
4(b)[15m] Critically analyze the role of ASEAN in the promotion of regional peace and security through economic cooperation and trade.
- Intro: ASEAN promotes regional peace and security largely through economic cooperation and trade.
- economic interdependence → stability (the functionalist logic)
- AFTA, the AEC, RCEP
- the "ASEAN Way": consensus, non-interference
- centrality and dialogue (the ARF, the EAS)
- limits: the South China Sea, the Myanmar crisis, big-power rivalry.
- Concl: ASEAN weaves peace through economic integration and dialogue — though security disputes test the model.
- Cite: the AEC; RCEP; the "ASEAN Way".
4(c)[15m] Examine the role of UNFCCC and other major efforts by the UN to address the global environmental crisis.
- Intro: The UNFCCC and allied UN efforts anchor the global response to environmental crisis.
- the UNFCCC (1992): CBDR; the Kyoto Protocol; the Paris Agreement (2015)
- the IPCC's science; the COP process
- the SDGs, UNEP, the CBD
- achievements: norms, NDCs, finance pledges
- gaps: the ambition/finance shortfall, enforcement.
- Concl: The UN built the architecture of global climate governance — but ambition, finance and enforcement gaps persist.
- Cite: the UNFCCC (1992); the Paris Agreement (2015); the IPCC.
Section B — India & the World
5(a)[10m] Describe the structure and function of the National Security Council of India. What role does it play in formulation of Indian foreign policy?
- Intro: India's National Security Council (1998) coordinates national-security and foreign-policy decision-making.
- structure: the NSA, the Strategic Policy Group, the National Security Advisory Board, the secretariat
- functions: advise on security, strategy and intelligence integration
- the NSA's growing role in FP (China, Pakistan, the Gulf)
- critique: opacity, executive-centralisation, no statutory base.
- Concl: The NSC and an empowered NSA now sit at the core of India's strategic and foreign-policy machinery.
- Cite: the NSC (1998); the NSA; the SPG/NSAB.
5(b)[10m] Outline the reasons of low volume of trade in the SAARC region.
- Intro: Intra-SAARC trade volume remains strikingly low.
- ~5% of the region's total trade
- India-Pakistan hostility; SAFTA's long negative lists
- NTBs, poor connectivity, a trust deficit
- similar (competing) economies; informal trade
- political over economic logic.
- Concl: Political conflict, barriers and poor connectivity keep SAARC trade minimal — economics is hostage to politics.
- Cite: SAFTA; SAARC; intra-regional trade (~5%).
5(c)[10m] Analyze the impact of hydropolitics on Indo-Bangladesh relations.
- Intro: Hydropolitics significantly shapes Indo-Bangladesh relations.
- 54 shared rivers; the Ganga Water Treaty (1996) — a success
- the stalled Teesta accord (West Bengal's veto)
- floods, silt, upstream concerns, the Farakka issue
- the Kushiyara MoU (2022); a basin approach needed
- water as a trust-builder or irritant.
- Concl: Water-sharing — especially Teesta — is a key test; resolving it would deepen Indo-Bangladesh trust.
- Cite: the Ganga Water Treaty (1996); the Teesta dispute; Farakka.
5(d)[10m] Discuss the future prospects of Indo-Nepal relations in the context of the recent publication of new Nepalese map wrongly claiming Indian territory.
- Intro: Indo-Nepal relations face strain after Nepal's 2020 map claiming Indian territory.
- Nepal's new map included Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura (the Kalapani dispute)
- triggered by the road to Lipulekh
- historic, civilisational, open-border ties (the 1950 Treaty)
- China's growing influence; "cartographic nationalism"
- the need for dialogue and the boundary mechanism.
- Concl: The map row exposed underlying irritants — but deep people-to-people ties demand a dialogue-based settlement.
- Cite: the Kalapani dispute; the 1950 Treaty; Lipulekh.
5(e)[10m] How does cross-border terrorism impede the achievements of peace and security in South Asia?
- Intro: Cross-border terrorism is a primary impediment to peace and security in South Asia.
- Pakistan-based groups (LeT, JeM); Mumbai 2008, Pathankot, Pulwama
- State sponsorship and "non-State actors"
- it derailed dialogue and SAARC (the cancelled 2016 summit)
- the FATF pressure; surgical strikes/Balakot
- a trust deficit.
- Concl: State-sponsored terrorism poisons South Asian cooperation — its end is a precondition for regional peace.
- Cite: Mumbai (2008); Pulwama/Balakot (2019); the FATF.
6(a)[20m] How do the guiding principles of India-Africa relations seek to enhance harmony and mutual cooperation between India and Africa?
- Intro: India-Africa relations rest on guiding principles of equality, partnership and mutual benefit.
- the "Kampala Principles" (2018): African priorities, capacity-building, non-conditional, sustainable
- South-South solidarity, not a donor-recipient model
- instruments: lines of credit, ITEC, the IAFS, duty-free access
- contrasted with China's model
- trade, energy, development.
- Concl: India's Africa engagement is built on equal partnership and capacity-building — a consultative alternative to extractive models.
- Cite: the "Kampala Principles" (2018); the IAFS; ITEC.
6(b)[15m] What are the notable features of the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) between India and Japan? How is it likely to address the security concerns of India?
- Intro: The India-Japan Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (2020) deepens defence logistics cooperation.
- the ACSA: reciprocal access to military bases for supplies and services
- it enables joint exercises, HADR and interoperability
- strategic value in the Indo-Pacific vs China
- it complements the 2+2 and the QUAD
- secures the sea lanes (the IOR).
- Concl: The ACSA boosts India-Japan interoperability and Indo-Pacific reach — addressing shared maritime-security concerns over China.
- Cite: the India-Japan ACSA (2020); the QUAD; the 2+2.
6(c)[15m] Discuss the significance of Indo-US strategic partnership and its implications for India's security and national defence.
- Intro: The Indo-US strategic partnership significantly bolsters India's security and defence.
- the foundational agreements (LEMOA, COMCASA, BECA); a "Major Defense Partner"
- arms, technology, intelligence, exercises (Malabar)
- the QUAD; an Indo-Pacific convergence vs China
- but India's autonomy (Russia, CAATSA)
- iCET (tech).
- Concl: The partnership materially strengthens India's defence and deters China — while India preserves its strategic autonomy.
- Cite: LEMOA/COMCASA/BECA; "Major Defense Partner"; iCET.
7(a)[20m] Explain the defence and foreign policy options of India to address challenges emerging out of the India-China standoff at the LAC.
- Intro: The India-China LAC standoff (2020) demands a calibrated mix of defence and diplomatic options.
- defence: forward deployment, infrastructure, deterrence, military modernisation
- diplomacy: corps-commander/WMCC talks, disengagement
- economic and tech decoupling (apps, FDI scrutiny)
- coalitions: the QUAD, partners
- avoid escalation; restore the status quo.
- Concl: India must blend firm deterrence with patient diplomacy and partnerships — defending the LAC without a wider war.
- Cite: Galwan (2020); the WMCC; the QUAD.
7(b)[15m] Explain the importance of India's claim for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council.
- Intro: A permanent UNSC seat matters greatly for India's status and interests.
- recognition as a major/leading power
- a voice in global peace-and-security decisions
- advancing the Global South and reform
- India's credentials (size, peacekeeping, democracy, economy)
- but blocked by the veto and rivals (the Coffee Club, China).
- Concl: A permanent seat would cement India's global standing and the South's voice — its merit is strong, its path blocked.
- Cite: the G4; the Ezulwini Consensus; Uniting for Consensus.
7(c)[15m] Discuss the efficacy of India's no first use policy in the context of evolving strategic challenges from its neighbours.
- Intro: India's No First Use (NFU) nuclear doctrine faces debate over its continued efficacy.
- NFU + "credible minimum deterrence" + massive retaliation (the 2003 doctrine)
- strengths: restraint, stability, the moral high ground, civilian control
- pressures: Pakistan's tactical nukes, China; calls to review (Parrikar, Rajnath hints)
- ambiguity as deterrence.
- Concl: NFU has served India's restrained deterrence well — though evolving threats keep its review under debate.
- Cite: the 2003 nuclear doctrine; "credible minimum deterrence"; NFU.
8(a)[20m] The war in Afghanistan is crucial from the point of view of India's national security. If Americans withdraw and Jihadis emerge with triumphalism, India will face increasing onslaught of terrorism. Comment.
- Intro: The war in Afghanistan is crucial to India's national security.
- a US withdrawal → a power vacuum; Taliban/jihadi triumphalism
- risk: terror spillover, anti-India groups, Pakistan's "strategic depth"
- India's stakes: ~$3bn investment, connectivity (Chabahar)
- the need for regional diplomacy (Iran, Russia, Central Asia)
- post-2021 pragmatic re-engagement.
- Concl: Afghanistan's stability directly bears on India's security — a jihadi resurgence would heighten the terror threat, demanding active regional diplomacy.
- Cite: the US withdrawal (2021); Chabahar; "strategic depth".
8(b)[15m] Identify key sectors of cooperation between India and Israel since 2014. Examine their significance in strengthening bilateral ties.
- Intro: India-Israel cooperation has deepened across key sectors since 2014.
- defence (a top arms supplier; drones, missiles, the Barak-8)
- agriculture (centres of excellence, drip irrigation), water
- technology, cyber, innovation, space
- counter-terrorism and intelligence
- open de-hyphenated engagement (the 2017 visit)
- balanced with Palestine.
- Concl: Defence, agriculture and technology anchor a deepened, openly strategic India-Israel partnership since 2014.
- Cite: the 2017 PM visit; the Barak-8; de-hyphenation.
8(c)[15m] Critically examine the role of India in shaping the emerging world order.
- Intro: India is increasingly an active shaper of the emerging world order.
- a "leading power" aspiration (not just balancing)
- multi-alignment, strategic autonomy
- reformed multilateralism; the Global South's voice (the G20)
- agenda-setting: climate (the ISA), digital, connectivity, the SDGs
- a "bridging power" between North and South.
- Concl: India is moving from a rule-taker to a rule-shaper — a leading voice for a multipolar, reformed, equitable order.
- Cite: S. Jaishankar (The India Way); the ISA; the G20.
PSIR Paper 2 · 2019
Section A — Comparative Politics & International Relations
1(a)[10m] Discuss the utility of Nuclear Deterrence Theory in the context of the recent standoff between India and Pakistan.
- Intro: Nuclear deterrence theory illuminates the 2019 India-Pakistan (Balakot) standoff.
- deterrence: the threat of retaliation prevents war (MAD)
- the "stability-instability paradox" — nuclear parity enables sub-conventional conflict (terrorism, Kargil)
- Balakot: India's conventional strike under the nuclear overhang; calibrated escalation
- credibility and signalling
- NFU vs Pakistan's first-use ambiguity.
- Concl: Deterrence prevented full-scale war but enabled limited conflict — the "stability-instability paradox" defined the standoff.
- Cite: the stability-instability paradox; Balakot (2019); MAD.
1(b)[10m] Write a brief note on the 17th NAM Summit in Venezuela.
- Intro: The 17th NAM Summit (2016, Margarita Island, Venezuela) reflected NAM's post-Cold War search for relevance.
- theme: peace, sovereignty and solidarity for development
- India represented at the VP level (the PM absent) — signalling a recalibration
- focus: development, terrorism, reformed multilateralism
- NAM's relevance debate in a multipolar world
- a Global-South platform.
- Concl: The summit underscored NAM's effort to stay relevant — even as India's lower-key presence signalled shifting priorities.
- Cite: the 17th NAM Summit (2016); the NAM.
1(c)[10m] In what way does the predominance of the USA in the UN funding affect its decision-making?
- Intro: US predominance in UN funding gives it outsized influence over UN decision-making.
- the US is the largest contributor (~22% of the regular budget, ~25%+ of peacekeeping)
- leverage: funding threats, withholding dues (e.g., over UNESCO, the WHO)
- it shapes priorities and appointments
- but budget power ≠ veto; the G77 numbers
- a push to diversify funding.
- Concl: US financial dominance translates into real influence — though it cannot wholly dictate a multi-member UN.
- Cite: UN budget assessments; US funding leverage.
1(d)[10m] Evaluate the role of BIMSTEC in multi-sectoral technical and economic cooperation.
- Intro: BIMSTEC has emerged as a key vehicle for multi-sectoral Bay-of-Bengal cooperation.
- seven members bridging South and Southeast Asia
- a "bridge" between SAARC and ASEAN; it bypasses Pakistan
- sectors: trade, connectivity, energy, security, counter-terror, the blue economy
- India's pivot (the 2016 Goa outreach, Act East)
- but slow progress, no FTA, capacity gaps.
- Concl: BIMSTEC offers India a promising, Pakistan-free regional platform — though it must overcome institutional weakness to deliver.
- Cite: BIMSTEC; the 2016 Goa outreach; Act East.
1(e)[10m] Do you think that sustainable development goals are really attainable by 2030?
- Intro: The attainability of the SDGs by 2030 is increasingly in doubt.
- 17 goals, 169 targets — ambitious and integrated
- progress uneven; COVID, conflict and climate set back gains
- a vast financing gap (trillions/year)
- data and governance deficits
- but tech, DPI and political will offer hope (India's progress).
- Concl: On current trends full SDG attainment by 2030 is unlikely — though accelerated finance and innovation could narrow the gap.
- Cite: the SDGs (2015); the SDG financing gap; Agenda 2030.
2(a)[20m] Examine the significance of the comparative method in political analysis. Discuss its limitations.
- Intro: The comparative method is central to political analysis despite its limitations.
- significance: it builds generalisations, tests hypotheses, classifies and is the nearest thing to experiment
- methods: most-similar/most-different systems (Mill)
- limitations: "too many variables, too few cases", conceptual stretching, ethnocentrism, selection bias
- enriched by qualitative and quantitative tools.
- Concl: The comparative method is the discipline's core analytic tool — powerful for explanation, but bounded by method and bias.
- Cite: J.S. Mill (methods); Lijphart; Sartori.
2(b)[15m] Explain the reasons for low voter turnout in democratic countries with suitable examples.
- Intro: Low voter turnout is a notable concern in many democracies.
- causes: apathy, alienation, distrust, "rational ignorance"
- structural: registration hurdles, weekday voting, no compulsion
- satisfaction or disillusion; the "paradox of voting"
- examples: the US (~55-60%) and parts of Europe vs India's rising turnout and Australia's compulsory voting
- remedies: ease, awareness, reform.
- Concl: Turnout reflects trust, ease and engagement — its decline signals democratic disaffection needing institutional remedies.
- Cite: the "paradox of voting"; compulsory voting (Australia).
2(c)[15m] Evaluate the role of the International Court of Justice in inter-State disputes.
- Intro: The ICJ plays a significant but consent-bound role in inter-State disputes.
- it settles disputes per international law; advisory opinions
- landmark cases: boundary, maritime, Jadhav
- jurisdiction rests on State consent (the optional clause)
- binding but weak enforcement (it relies on the UNSC)
- promotes peaceful settlement (UN Charter Art 33).
- Concl: The ICJ advances the peaceful, law-based settlement of disputes — though consent and enforcement limit its reach.
- Cite: the ICJ Statute; the Jadhav case; UN Charter Art 33.
3(a)[20m] Explain the relevance of the Marxist approach in the context of globalization.
- Intro: The Marxist approach remains relevant for analysing globalisation.
- globalisation as the global spread of capitalism (Marx's prescient "world market")
- neo-Marxism: world-systems (Wallerstein), dependency, Cox's critical theory
- it explains inequality, exploitation, the core-periphery and the power of capital/MNCs
- the 2008 crisis and discontents
- critique: economism, determinism.
- Concl: Marxism offers a sharp lens on globalisation's inequalities and capital's power — its critique endures.
- Cite: Marx (the "world market"); Wallerstein; Robert Cox.
3(b)[15m] Identify the benefits of a multi-polar world.
- Intro: A multipolar world is argued to bring several benefits.
- no single hegemon → more autonomy and choice for States
- checks and balances; restraint on unilateralism
- more voice for rising/Global-South powers
- diversified partnerships (India's multi-alignment)
- but risks: instability, miscalculation, bloc competition.
- Concl: Multipolarity widens autonomy and curbs hegemony — benefiting rising powers like India, though it carries instability risks.
- Cite: multipolarity; India's multi-alignment; the balance-of-power debate.
3(c)[15m] Discuss the importance of personal data protection in the context of human rights.
- Intro: Personal data protection has become integral to human rights in the digital age.
- privacy as a fundamental right (Puttaswamy, 2017)
- data = dignity, autonomy, freedom; surveillance threats
- global frameworks: the EU's GDPR
- India's DPDP Act (2023); the data-localisation debate
- balancing privacy, security and innovation.
- Concl: Data protection safeguards privacy and dignity — a core human right requiring robust, rights-based regulation.
- Cite: K.S. Puttaswamy (2017); the GDPR; the DPDP Act (2023).
4(a)[20m] How are the rising powers challenging the USA and Western dominance in the IMF and the World Bank?
- Intro: Rising powers increasingly challenge US/Western dominance of the IMF and World Bank.
- the Bretton Woods institutions' skewed quotas/voting (the US veto in the IMF)
- demands for reform and voice (the 2010 quota reforms — slow)
- alternatives: the BRICS NDB, the AIIB, the CRA
- China's RMB push; de-dollarisation talk
- a contested global financial order.
- Concl: Rising powers press for reform and build alternatives (the NDB, the AIIB) — eroding, if not displacing, Western financial dominance.
- Cite: the BRICS NDB; the AIIB; the IMF quota reforms.
4(b)[15m] Write an essay on New Social Movements in developing countries.
- Intro: New Social Movements (NSMs) are a distinctive feature of politics in developing countries.
- NSMs: identity, rights, environment, gender — "post-material" (vs class-based old movements)
- in the developing world: also material (land, livelihood, dignity)
- India: Narmada, Chipko, anti-corruption, farmers, women
- civil society and participation beyond parties
- Touraine, Offe, Melucci.
- Concl: NSMs deepen democracy in developing societies by voicing identity, rights and livelihood beyond class and party.
- Cite: Touraine, Offe (NSM theory); the Narmada/Chipko movements.
4(c)[15m] Is democracy promotion in developing countries a feasible idea?
- Intro: The feasibility of democracy promotion in developing countries is hotly contested.
- rationale: the democratic peace, rights, development
- means: aid, conditionality, intervention, civil-society support
- critiques: imposition, sovereignty, "regime change" failures (Iraq, Libya, the Arab Spring)
- no affluence prerequisite challenged (Lipset); the "sequencing" debate
- home-grown vs exported.
- Concl: Democracy promotion is feasible only when home-grown and gradual — externally imposed democratisation often fails.
- Cite: the democratic-peace thesis; the Arab Spring; Lipset.
Section B — India & the World
5(a)[10m] Examine the role of parliamentary diplomacy in India's foreign policy.
- Intro: Parliamentary diplomacy is an increasingly visible instrument of India's foreign policy.
- inter-parliamentary forums (the IPU), friendship groups, delegations
- Track-II/soft diplomacy; legitimacy and people-to-people links
- it projects democratic values and soft power
- examples: the Speaker's conferences, the diaspora outreach
- it supplements executive diplomacy.
- Concl: Parliamentary diplomacy complements official diplomacy — projecting India's democratic soft power and building ties.
- Cite: the IPU; parliamentary friendship groups.
5(b)[10m] Compare and contrast Non-alignment 1.0 with Non-alignment 2.0.
- Intro: "Non-Alignment 2.0" (2012) reconceptualised India's classic non-alignment for a new era.
- NAM 1.0: the Cold War, bipolar, avoiding blocs, moralism, the Third World
- NAM 2.0: strategic autonomy in a multipolar world; maximise options and internal strength
- continuity: autonomy and non-entanglement
- change: pragmatic, economy-led, issue-based
- critics: vague; superseded by multi-alignment.
- Concl: Both prize autonomy — but 2.0 trades Cold War neutrality for pragmatic, multipolar strategic autonomy.
- Cite: "Nonalignment 2.0" (2012); strategic autonomy.
5(c)[10m] How is India pursuing her foreign policy objectives through the IBSA Dialogue Forum?
- Intro: India pursues key foreign-policy goals through the IBSA Dialogue Forum.
- IBSA: India, Brazil, South Africa — three Southern democracies
- South-South cooperation; the IBSA Fund (development)
- reform of global governance (the UNSC, the WTO)
- trilateral trade, the trust fund, naval exercises (IBSAMAR)
- overshadowed by BRICS; the revival debate.
- Concl: IBSA advances India's Global-South leadership and reform agenda — a values-based bloc of Southern democracies.
- Cite: IBSA; the IBSA Fund; IBSAMAR.
5(d)[10m] How is India responding to the idea of Indo-Pacific?
- Intro: India has actively embraced the Indo-Pacific concept on its own terms.
- PM Modi's Shangri-La address (2018): an inclusive, free, open, rules-based Indo-Pacific
- SAGAR, the IPOI; ASEAN centrality
- the QUAD; maritime security; connectivity
- not anti-China containment (officially)
- balancing engagement and autonomy.
- Concl: India champions an inclusive, rules-based Indo-Pacific — engaging the QUAD while preserving autonomy and ASEAN centrality.
- Cite: the Shangri-La Dialogue (2018); SAGAR; the IPOI.
5(e)[10m] The growing closeness between India and Israel will strengthen the cause of Palestine. Comment.
- Intro: The claim that closer India-Israel ties will strengthen Palestine's cause is debatable.
- India's de-hyphenation: separate, simultaneous ties with both
- the argument for: India's balanced leverage could aid mediation
- against: a deepening Israel partnership may dilute Palestinian advocacy
- India's continued support for a two-state solution and aid
- interests vs principle.
- Concl: De-hyphenation lets India support Palestine while partnering Israel — but its leverage for Palestine's cause is limited.
- Cite: de-hyphenation; the two-state solution.
6(a)[20m] Describe briefly China's One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative and analyze India's major concerns.
- Intro: China's One Belt One Road (OBOR/BRI) raises major strategic concerns for India.
- the BRI: a vast connectivity-and-influence project
- India's concerns: CPEC through PoK (sovereignty), debt-trap diplomacy, the "String of Pearls", strategic encirclement
- India boycotted the BRI forums
- alternatives: the IMEC, connectivity with Japan, Chabahar
- transparency and sustainability critiques.
- Concl: India opposes the BRI over sovereignty (CPEC), debt and encirclement — countering with its own connectivity initiatives.
- Cite: CPEC/PoK; the "debt trap"; the IMEC.
6(b)[15m] What are the current issues in Brahmaputra River water sharing between India and China?
- Intro: Brahmaputra (Yarlung Tsangpo) water-sharing is a growing India-China concern.
- China as the upper riparian; dam-building (Zangmu, the mega-dam at the Great Bend)
- no water-sharing treaty; only limited hydrological MoUs (data-sharing)
- fears: flow diversion, floods, "water as a weapon", silt
- India's downstream vulnerability and its own dam plans
- the need for a basin mechanism.
- Concl: China's upstream dams and the absence of a treaty leave India hydrologically vulnerable — demanding a cooperative basin framework.
- Cite: the Yarlung Tsangpo dams; hydrological-data MoUs; upper-riparian power.
6(c)[15m] Analyze the recent trends in India's role in UN peacekeeping operations.
- Intro: India remains a leading contributor to UN peacekeeping, with evolving trends.
- among the largest cumulative troop contributors (~250,000); 170+ fallen
- recent: women peacekeepers (the all-women FPU), tech, training
- a basis for the UNSC claim
- concerns: the safety of peacekeepers, mandate clarity, a decision-making voice
- India's call for consultation with troop contributors.
- Concl: India's sustained, evolving peacekeeping role reflects its commitment to global peace — and underpins its UNSC aspiration.
- Cite: UN peacekeeping; the all-women FPU; troop-contributor consultation.
7(a)[20m] Examine the increasing significance of maritime security in India's foreign policy.
- Intro: Maritime security has become increasingly central to India's foreign policy.
- ~90% of trade by sea; energy sea lanes; the IOR as India's strategic backyard
- threats: China (the "String of Pearls", PLAN forays), piracy, terrorism
- SAGAR ("Security and Growth for All in the Region"); the IPOI
- the Navy's role, IOR partnerships, IORA, info-sharing (the IFC-IOR)
- the QUAD and the Indo-Pacific.
- Concl: As a maritime nation, India prioritises Indian-Ocean security via SAGAR and partnerships — central to its rise and to balancing China.
- Cite: SAGAR; the "String of Pearls"; the IFC-IOR.
7(b)[15m] Write a brief note on India's interests in West Asia.
- Intro: West Asia (the Gulf) is a region of vital interests for India.
- energy (the bulk of oil/gas imports)
- the diaspora (~9 million; remittances)
- trade and investment (the UAE, Saudi Arabia); food security
- security: counter-terror, the sea lanes, the Strait of Hormuz
- "Look/Link West"; balancing Iran, Israel and the Arabs; I2U2.
- Concl: Energy, the diaspora, trade and security make West Asia indispensable — India balances rival powers via "Link West".
- Cite: "Link West"; I2U2; the Gulf diaspora.
7(c)[15m] How is the current standoff between the USA and Iran affecting India's energy security?
- Intro: The US-Iran standoff directly affects India's energy security.
- Iran was a top oil supplier; US sanctions (post-JCPOA exit) forced India to halt imports
- higher costs; supply diversification (the US, Saudi, Russia)
- Chabahar's strategic value (a sanctions waiver)
- Hormuz risks; price volatility
- India's balancing of the US and Iran.
- Concl: US-Iran tensions raised India's energy costs and constrained Iran ties — forcing diversification while protecting Chabahar.
- Cite: US sanctions/CAATSA; the JCPOA; Chabahar.
8(a)[20m] Evaluate India's vision of a new world order.
- Intro: India envisions a multipolar, reformed and equitable new world order.
- multipolarity and strategic autonomy
- reformed multilateralism (the UNSC, the WTO, the IMF)
- a rules-based order; democratised governance
- the Global South's voice; "Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam"
- development, connectivity, climate justice.
- Concl: India seeks a multipolar, rules-based, equitable order — reforming institutions and amplifying the Global South.
- Cite: "reformed multilateralism"; Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam; the G4.
8(b)[15m] Critically examine India's position on South China Sea dispute.
- Intro: India maintains a principled, interest-based position on the South China Sea dispute.
- it supports freedom of navigation, overflight and a rules-based order (UNCLOS)
- backs peaceful settlement and the 2016 PCA ruling
- economic stakes (ONGC Videsh in Vietnam; trade routes)
- not a claimant; calibrated, avoiding direct confrontation
- the QUAD/Indo-Pacific framing.
- Concl: India upholds UNCLOS and freedom of navigation in the South China Sea — a principled stance balancing interests with prudence.
- Cite: UNCLOS; the 2016 PCA ruling; ONGC Videsh.
8(c)[15m] Given recent developments in the region, is there a need to change India's No First Use nuclear policy?
- Intro: Whether India should revise its No First Use (NFU) nuclear policy is debated.
- NFU: retaliation only; restraint, stability, credibility (the 2003 doctrine)
- pressures to review: Pakistan's tactical nukes, China; calculated ambiguity (Parrikar, Rajnath)
- keeping NFU: the moral high ground, escalation control, a civilian ethos
- "deterrence by ambiguity" vs clarity.
- Concl: NFU has served India's credible, restrained deterrence — a shift to ambiguity risks more than it gains; review, not abandonment.
- Cite: the 2003 nuclear doctrine; NFU; "credible minimum deterrence".
PSIR Paper 2 · 2018
Section A — Comparative Politics & International Relations
1(a)[10m] Describe the changing nature of Comparative Politics. Briefly explain the Political Economy approach to the study of Comparative Politics.
- Intro: Comparative Politics has evolved markedly, with the political economy approach now prominent.
- from formal-legal/institutional → behavioural → political economy and new institutionalism
- a widened scope: the Third World, development, the State-market nexus
- the political economy approach: economy shapes politics (Marxist and liberal variants)
- it studies development, class and the State's role
- greater rigour and comparison.
- Concl: CP shifted from formal institutions to political economy — explaining politics through economic structures and development.
- Cite: Almond; the political economy approach (Marxist & liberal).
1(b)[10m] Describe the changing nature of the State in developing societies in the context of inclusive growth in the 21st century.
- Intro: The State's nature in developing societies is changing under the demand for inclusive growth.
- from a "developmental"/welfare state to a regulatory, enabling, competition state
- liberalisation reduced direct control; PPPs, market reliance
- but inclusive growth needs an active State (welfare, rights — MGNREGA, the RTE)
- balancing market efficiency with equity
- the "neo-welfare"/rights-based State.
- Concl: The developing State is reinventing itself — combining market enabling with rights-based inclusion for inclusive growth.
- Cite: the developmental state; rights-based welfare (MGNREGA).
1(c)[10m] How big a role does identity play in determining political participation in the developing countries? Discuss with illustrations.
- Intro: Identity plays a major role in shaping political participation in developing countries.
- ethnicity, religion, caste, language and region mobilise voters and movements
- India: caste/communal mobilisation, identity parties, the "silent revolution"
- identity → high participation but also conflict and polarisation
- "ethnic outbidding"; vote banks
- vs class/issue-based politics.
- Concl: Identity is a powerful driver of participation in developing democracies — energising inclusion yet risking polarisation.
- Cite: Jaffrelot ("silent revolution"); Horowitz (ethnic politics).
1(d)[10m] Bring out major differences between Classical Realism of Hans Morgenthau and Neorealism of Kenneth Waltz.
- Intro: Classical realism and neorealism differ chiefly on the source of power politics.
- Morgenthau (classical): conflict from human nature (the animus dominandi); statecraft and prudence; interest as power
- Waltz (neo/structural): conflict from anarchic structure, not human nature
- unit-level vs system-level explanation
- both: States, power, self-help
- parsimony vs richness.
- Concl: Both are realist, but classical realism roots conflict in human nature, neorealism in anarchic structure.
- Cite: Morgenthau (Politics Among Nations); Waltz (Theory of International Politics).
1(e)[10m] What, according to Joseph Nye, are the major sources of a country's soft power? Discuss relevance in contemporary world politics.
- Intro: Joseph Nye identifies the key sources of a country's soft power.
- three sources: culture (where attractive), political values (when lived up to) and foreign policy (when seen as legitimate)
- co-optive, not coercive — "getting others to want what you want"
- India: democracy, Bollywood, yoga, the diaspora, IT
- relevance: image, alliances, legitimacy in a networked world
- "smart power" = hard + soft.
- Concl: Soft power flows from culture, values and legitimate policy — increasingly vital, including for India's global appeal.
- Cite: Joseph Nye (Soft Power; "smart power").
2(a)[20m] Discuss the significance of Non-Aligned Movement as a unique contribution of the Non-Western world to World Politics.
- Intro: NAM was a unique contribution of the non-Western world to world politics.
- a Third-World assertion of agency in a bipolar order
- anti-colonialism, sovereignty, peace, disarmament, the NIEO
- Bandung (1955), Belgrade (1961); Nehru, Tito, Nasser, Sukarno
- a moral voice; decolonisation; the South's solidarity
- critique: cohesion and efficacy; post-Cold War relevance.
- Concl: NAM gave the decolonising world a collective voice and agency — a distinctive non-Western imprint on world politics.
- Cite: Bandung (1955); Belgrade (1961); Nehru.
2(b)[15m] Discuss the consequences of Trump's America First and Xi's Chinese Dream on World Politics.
- Intro: Trump's "America First" and Xi's "Chinese Dream" together reshaped world politics.
- America First: protectionism, unilateralism, retreat from the liberal order (Paris, the TPP, the WTO)
- the Chinese Dream: national rejuvenation, the BRI, assertiveness, a bid for primacy
- a US-China rivalry/trade war; a power transition
- the erosion of multilateralism; a more contested, multipolar order.
- Concl: The two visions accelerated US-China rivalry and weakened the liberal order — hastening a contested, multipolar world.
- Cite: "America First"; the "Chinese Dream"; the trade war.
2(c)[15m] Some feel MNCs are a vital new road to economic growth, whereas others feel they perpetuate underdevelopment. Discuss.
- Intro: MNCs are seen alternately as engines of growth and as agents of underdevelopment.
- pro: capital, technology, jobs, exports, integration into value chains
- con: profit repatriation, dependency, the "race to the bottom", tax avoidance, political influence (the dependency/world-systems view)
- uneven bargaining; the "obsolescing bargain"
- host-State regulation matters.
- Concl: MNCs can drive growth or deepen dependency — the outcome hinges on host-State bargaining and regulation.
- Cite: dependency theory; the "obsolescing bargain" (Vernon).
3(a)[20m] Discuss the relevance of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on the security of women in conflict zones.
- Intro: UNSC Resolution 1325 (2000) is a landmark on women, peace and security.
- it recognises war's gendered impact; women as victims and agents
- four pillars: participation, protection, prevention, relief and recovery
- women in peacekeeping, peace-building and negotiations
- gaps: weak implementation, sexual violence in conflict (the DRC, Syria)
- India's women peacekeepers.
- Concl: Resolution 1325 mainstreamed gender in peace and security — its promise is real but implementation lags.
- Cite: UNSC Res 1325 (2000); the WPS agenda.
3(b)[15m] Do ongoing debates on international environmental politics continue to be marred by a new North-South ideological divide over historical responsibility and developmental model? Illustrate.
- Intro: International environmental politics remains marked by a North-South divide over responsibility.
- historical responsibility: the North's cumulative emissions
- CBDR-RC; the right to develop (the South)
- disputes: finance ($100bn), technology transfer, loss and damage
- Kyoto vs Paris (universal but differentiated)
- examples: the US exit; India's "climate justice".
- Concl: The North-South divide over historical responsibility and development persists — though Paris bridged it partially via CBDR.
- Cite: CBDR-RC; the Paris Agreement; "climate justice".
3(c)[15m] Since its inception SAARC has failed to deliver on its promises. What initiatives should be taken to reinvigorate it?
- Intro: SAARC has underdelivered, but initiatives could reinvigorate it.
- failures: India-Pakistan conflict, the cancelled 2016 summit, low trade, the consensus-veto
- initiatives: operationalise SAFTA, connectivity (the motor-vehicle, energy agreements), people-to-people ties, sub-regionalism (BBIN)
- delink economics from politics; a variable-geometry approach
- or pivot to BIMSTEC.
- Concl: SAARC can revive via connectivity, trade and sub-regionalism — but only if conflict is insulated from cooperation.
- Cite: SAFTA; the BBIN initiative; the 2016 summit cancellation.
4(a)[20m] Critically examine the notion of Asian Values in the context of debates on human rights.
- Intro: The "Asian Values" debate questions the universality of human rights.
- proponents (Lee Kuan Yew, Mahathir): community over the individual, order, the family, development first
- a critique of "Western" individualist rights
- counter: a pretext for authoritarianism; Sen's rebuttal (freedom is universal; India's plural traditions)
- universalism vs cultural relativism.
- Concl: "Asian Values" usefully flag cultural context but often mask authoritarianism — rights remain broadly universal (Sen).
- Cite: Lee Kuan Yew; Amartya Sen (counter); cultural relativism.
4(b)[15m] Discuss implications of the Trump-Kim Singapore Summit on prospects of denuclearisation of Korean Peninsula.
- Intro: The 2018 Trump-Kim Singapore Summit was a historic but inconclusive step on Korean denuclearisation.
- the first sitting US President-DPRK leader meeting
- a vague commitment to "denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula"
- no verification, timeline or definition
- symbolism over substance; later stalled (Hanoi 2019)
- deterrence; the China factor.
- Concl: The summit eased tensions symbolically but failed to achieve concrete, verifiable denuclearisation.
- Cite: the Singapore Summit (2018); the Hanoi Summit (2019).
4(c)[15m] Critically examine the Functionalist approach to the study of International Relations.
- Intro: Functionalism explains how technical cooperation can build international order and peace.
- Mitrany: "form follows function"; cooperation in technical/welfare areas
- functional agencies create interdependence and shift loyalties
- "peace by pieces"; spillover
- neofunctionalism (Haas) and the EU
- critique: it ignores power and high politics.
- Concl: Functionalism shows technical cooperation can weave peace and integration — though it underrates power and politics.
- Cite: David Mitrany; Ernst Haas (neofunctionalism).
Section B — India & the World
5(a)[10m] Do you agree that Indian Foreign Policy is increasingly being shaped by the neoliberal outlook? Elaborate.
- Intro: India's foreign policy is increasingly shaped by a neoliberal economic outlook.
- post-1991: economic diplomacy, trade, FDI and energy at the core
- courting markets and investors; FTAs
- a "geo-economics" turn; the diaspora and soft power
- from Nehruvian state-led idealism to market-driven pragmatism
- strategic partnerships for growth.
- Concl: Yes — economics now drives India's FP, marking a neoliberal, geo-economic shift from the Nehruvian model.
- Cite: the 1991 reforms; geo-economics; economic diplomacy.
5(b)[10m] India is often said to have a rich strategic culture. Discuss.
- Intro: India is said to possess a rich but debated strategic culture.
- sources: Kautilya's Arthashastra (realism, the mandala), the Mahabharata, the freedom struggle, Nehruvian idealism
- traits: strategic autonomy, restraint, moralism, a defensive posture
- critique (George Tanham): India lacks a coherent strategic culture/long-term thinking
- counter: a distinct civilisational realism.
- Concl: India has a layered strategic culture — Kautilyan realism plus Nehruvian idealism — though critics question its coherence.
- Cite: Kautilya's Arthashastra; George Tanham (critique).
5(c)[10m] Evaluate India's stand on the recent Rohingya refugee issue.
- Intro: India's stand on the Rohingya refugee issue balances humanitarian and security concerns.
- ~40,000 Rohingya in India; the government's security-led stance (deportation, "illegal migrants")
- India is not a 1951 Refugee Convention signatory; no refugee law
- humanitarian aid to Bangladesh and Myanmar (Operation Insaniyat)
- the non-refoulement debate; the Supreme Court
- strategic ties with Myanmar.
- Concl: India's response privileges security and Myanmar ties over asylum — exposing the gap of a missing refugee law.
- Cite: Operation Insaniyat; the 1951 Refugee Convention (non-signatory); non-refoulement.
5(d)[10m] India's current foreign policy marks significant qualitative shifts from previous regimes. Discuss.
- Intro: India's current foreign policy marks significant qualitative shifts from earlier regimes.
- from non-alignment → multi-alignment; reticence → a "leading power" assertiveness
- a proactive neighbourhood (Neighbourhood First), Act East, Link West
- deeper US ties; the QUAD; risk-taking (surgical strikes/Balakot)
- economic and diaspora diplomacy
- continuity: strategic autonomy.
- Concl: India's FP has turned more assertive, multi-aligned and economy-driven — a qualitative shift within enduring autonomy.
- Cite: multi-alignment; Neighbourhood First; Balakot.
5(e)[10m] Analyse the significance of India's Look East Policy in light of concerns of indigenous peoples of North-East India.
- Intro: The Look/Act East Policy has significant implications for the indigenous peoples of the North-East.
- the NE as the land-bridge to ASEAN; connectivity (the Trilateral Highway, Kaladan)
- opportunity: trade, development, cultural ties
- concerns: land, displacement, identity, demographic change, environmental impact
- tribal autonomy (the Sixth Schedule); inclusion in planning
- insurgency and security.
- Concl: Act East can develop the NE but must safeguard indigenous land, identity and rights — inclusion is essential.
- Cite: Act East; the Sixth Schedule; the Trilateral Highway.
6(a)[20m] India's coalitional diplomacy within the WTO has earned appreciation. What accounts for its success?
- Intro: India's coalitional diplomacy within the WTO has been notably successful.
- leading developing-country coalitions (the G33, the G20-agri, the G90)
- defending food security, S&DT, agriculture and public stockholding
- blocking/shaping outcomes (the Bali "peace clause")
- skilled negotiators; moral leadership of the South
- alliances offset India's lone weight.
- Concl: India's success rests on building Southern coalitions — turning collective bargaining into real leverage at the WTO.
- Cite: the G33; the Bali "peace clause"; S&DT.
6(b)[15m] India's capacity building programmes under ITEC have earned much goodwill in Africa. Discuss.
- Intro: India's capacity-building under ITEC has earned much goodwill in Africa.
- the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation programme (1964): training, scholarships, expertise
- "teaching to fish" — skills, not just aid
- thousands of African professionals trained; the pan-African e-network
- soft power; a South-South, demand-driven model
- it contrasts with extractive models.
- Concl: ITEC's skills-and-training focus has built deep goodwill in Africa — a hallmark of India's partnership-based diplomacy.
- Cite: ITEC (1964); the pan-African e-network; South-South cooperation.
6(c)[15m] India's Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) is a major initiative in South-South Cooperation. Discuss.
- Intro: India's Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) is a notable South-South initiative.
- RIS: a policy think-tank on development and South-South cooperation
- research, capacity-building, agenda-setting for the Global South
- it supports forums (the IAFS, IBSA, BRICS, the FIDC)
- knowledge diplomacy; intellectual leadership
- shaping a Southern development narrative.
- Concl: RIS advances India's intellectual leadership of the South — a knowledge platform for South-South cooperation.
- Cite: RIS; the FIDC; South-South cooperation.
7(a)[20m] Discuss the role of the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) in promoting India's soft power abroad.
- Intro: The Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) is a key vehicle for India's soft power abroad.
- founded 1950 (Maulana Azad); cultural diplomacy
- chairs of Indian studies, scholarships, festivals, dance/music/yoga
- promoting Indian culture, language (Hindi/Sanskrit) and the diaspora link
- the International Day of Yoga; cultural centres worldwide
- projecting civilisational soft power.
- Concl: The ICCR projects India's culture and values globally — an institutional engine of its soft power.
- Cite: the ICCR (1950); cultural diplomacy; the International Day of Yoga.
7(b)[15m] Discuss the role of Indian diaspora in promoting Indo-US relations.
- Intro: The Indian diaspora has significantly promoted Indo-US relations.
- ~4 million-strong and influential (tech, medicine, academia, business)
- lobbying (the India Caucus, the civil-nuclear deal)
- remittances, investment, knowledge transfer
- a "bridge"/"living link"; soft power
- political mobilisation ("Howdy Modi"); H-1B and ties.
- Concl: The prosperous, influential diaspora is a powerful bridge — instrumental in deepening Indo-US strategic ties.
- Cite: the India Caucus; the civil-nuclear deal; "Howdy Modi".
7(c)[15m] Discuss various impediments in India's way to a permanent seat in the Security Council.
- Intro: India faces several impediments on its path to a permanent UNSC seat.
- the P5's reluctance to share power/dilute the veto
- China's opposition (blocking)
- the "Coffee Club"/Uniting for Consensus (Pakistan, Italy)
- no agreement on the veto or the reform model
- the cumbersome IGN process; Charter-amendment hurdles.
- Concl: P5 inertia, China's block and rival coalitions stall India's bid — structural reform remains hostage to great-power politics.
- Cite: Uniting for Consensus; the IGN; the G4.
8(a)[20m] Do you think India's capacity-building role in Afghanistan has shrunk the strategic space for Pakistan there? Discuss.
- Intro: India's capacity-building in Afghanistan arguably shrank Pakistan's strategic space there.
- India's ~$3bn development (the parliament, the Salma dam, roads, the Zaranj-Delaram highway)
- goodwill among Afghans; a counter to Pakistan's influence
- Pakistan's "strategic depth" doctrine challenged
- but the 2021 Taliban takeover reversed gains
- the Pakistan-Taliban nexus.
- Concl: India's development diplomacy built goodwill and squeezed Pakistan's space — though the 2021 takeover undid much of it.
- Cite: the Salma Dam; "strategic depth"; the Zaranj-Delaram highway.
8(b)[15m] Critically assess evolving convergence of India and China in trade and environment.
- Intro: India and China show an evolving convergence in trade and environment despite rivalry.
- trade: China a top trade partner (though a huge deficit for India)
- environment: a shared "developing country" stance — CBDR, climate finance, the BASIC bloc
- cooperation at the WTO (developing-country issues), the BRICS, the AIIB
- but rivalry (the border, the BRI) limits depth
- "cooperation amid competition".
- Concl: India and China converge selectively on trade and climate (CBDR, BASIC) — even as strategic rivalry caps the partnership.
- Cite: the BASIC bloc; CBDR; the trade deficit.
8(c)[15m] Do you agree that growing assertiveness of China is leading to multilayered Indo-Japan relations? Comment.
- Intro: China's growing assertiveness is deepening multilayered Indo-Japan relations.
- shared concern over China (the East/South China Seas, the LAC, the BRI)
- a Special Strategic and Global Partnership
- layers: defence (the 2+2, ACSA), economics (infrastructure, the bullet train, the AAGC), tech, the QUAD
- a free, open Indo-Pacific
- a democratic-values convergence.
- Concl: Yes — China's assertiveness is the prime driver knitting Japan and India together across defence, economics and the Indo-Pacific.
- Cite: the Special Strategic & Global Partnership; the QUAD; the AAGC.
PSIR Paper 2 · 2017
Section A — Comparative Politics & International Relations
1(a)[10m] Explain the Political-Sociological Approach in comparative politics and discuss its limitations.
- Intro: The political-sociological approach studies politics through its social bases and structures.
- it links political behaviour to social factors — class, status, groups, culture
- structural-functionalism (Almond), political socialisation, political culture
- society shapes the State and politics
- limitations: over-determinism, neglect of institutions/agency, hard to measure
- it enriched comparative analysis.
- Concl: It illuminates the social roots of politics — though it risks reducing politics to sociology and underrating institutions.
- Cite: Almond & Verba (political culture); Lipset.
1(b)[10m] Critically examine globalisation in the past 25 years from the perspective of the Western world.
- Intro: Over 25 years, globalisation's record looks increasingly mixed from the Western world's perspective.
- early gains: market expansion, cheap goods, capital mobility, the post-Cold War triumph
- but: deindustrialisation, job losses, wage stagnation, rising inequality
- the rise of China as a rival; the 2008 crisis
- a backlash: populism, Brexit, Trump, protectionism
- "losers" in the West.
- Concl: From the West, globalisation delivered growth but also dislocation and inequality — fuelling a populist backlash against it.
- Cite: the 2008 crisis; Brexit; the globalisation backlash (Rodrik).
1(c)[10m] Examine the LGBT movement in developed societies and how it is affecting political participation in developing societies.
- Intro: The LGBT movement in developed societies has influenced political participation in developing societies.
- rights gains in the West (marriage equality, anti-discrimination)
- a demonstration effect; transnational activism and norms
- in developing societies: new mobilisation, identity politics (India's Section 377 struck down, 2018)
- backlash and "Western imposition" charges
- widening the rights agenda.
- Concl: The Western LGBT movement has globalised a new rights frontier — spurring participation and reform (and backlash) in developing societies.
- Cite: Navtej Johar (2018, Section 377); transnational advocacy.
1(d)[10m] American President Donald Trump's proposal to withdraw from NAFTA would bring unforeseen consequences to regionalisation of world politics. Elaborate.
- Intro: Trump's threat to withdraw from NAFTA carried major consequences for regionalisation.
- NAFTA (1994): a deep North American trade bloc
- Trump's "worst deal"; the renegotiation/withdrawal threat
- result: the USMCA (2020) — stricter rules, not withdrawal
- signalled a retreat from free-trade regionalism; protectionism
- uncertainty for global regional blocs.
- Concl: The threat ended in renegotiation (the USMCA), but it signalled a protectionist turn unsettling trade regionalism.
- Cite: NAFTA (1994); the USMCA (2020); "America First".
1(e)[10m] Give an assessment of the Feminist critique of contemporary global issues.
- Intro: Feminism offers a distinctive critique of contemporary global issues.
- it exposes the gendered nature of IR — war, security, the economy, development
- "where are the women?" (Enloe); the public-private divide
- critiques masculinised realism and the State
- issues: conflict (sexual violence), migration, the care economy, climate
- standpoint, liberal, postcolonial feminisms.
- Concl: Feminism reframes global issues through gender — revealing hidden power and the centrality of women's experience.
- Cite: Cynthia Enloe; J. Ann Tickner; feminist IR.
2(a)[20m] Is Realist Approach the best method to understand International Relations? Examine in context of Classical Realism.
- Intro: Whether realism is the best method to understand IR is best examined via classical realism.
- classical realism (Morgenthau): power politics rooted in human nature; interest as power; prudence
- strengths: it explains conflict, war, the State's behaviour, power
- weaknesses: neglects cooperation, institutions, change, ethics, domestic/non-State actors
- challenged by liberalism and constructivism.
- Concl: Realism powerfully explains power and conflict but not cooperation and change — illuminating, not exhaustive.
- Cite: Hans Morgenthau; the realism-liberalism debate.
2(b)[15m] How has development of global capitalism changed the nature of socialist economies and developing societies?
- Intro: Global capitalism has transformed socialist economies and developing societies.
- socialist economies: market reforms (China's "socialism with Chinese characteristics", Vietnam's Doi Moi); the USSR's collapse
- developing societies: liberalisation, integration, growth + dependency
- the erosion of State planning; the rise of markets
- "there is no alternative" (TINA)
- inequality and uneven gains.
- Concl: Global capitalism pulled socialist and developing economies toward markets — driving growth alongside dependency and inequality.
- Cite: China's reforms; Vietnam's Doi Moi; TINA.
2(c)[15m] Discuss the changing nature of modern state with reference to transnational actors.
- Intro: The modern State's nature is changing under the influence of transnational actors.
- TNAs: MNCs, NGOs, IGOs, civil society, criminal/terror networks
- they erode the Westphalian sovereignty/monopoly of the State
- complex interdependence (Keohane & Nye)
- the State adapts — regulatory, networked, "disaggregated" (Slaughter)
- but the State endures as primary.
- Concl: Transnational actors dilute but do not dissolve the State — sovereignty is reconfigured, not erased.
- Cite: Keohane & Nye; Anne-Marie Slaughter (the "disaggregated state").
3(a)[20m] The development of advanced missile technology and nuclear threat by North Korea has challenged American hegemony in South-East Asia. Evaluate in context of recent developments.
- Intro: North Korea's missile and nuclear advances challenged American hegemony in the region.
- the DPRK's ICBM and nuclear tests (2017); threats to the US and allies
- tested US deterrence, alliances (South Korea, Japan) and credibility
- "fire and fury" → the Singapore Summit (2018)
- China's role; regional arms-race risk
- the limits of US coercion.
- Concl: North Korea's nuclear defiance exposed the limits of US hegemony in Asia — forcing a shift from coercion to summitry.
- Cite: the 2017 DPRK tests; the Singapore Summit (2018).
3(b)[15m] Do you endorse the view that end of bipolarity and rise of multiple regional organisations has made NAM more or less irrelevant?
- Intro: The end of bipolarity and the rise of regional organisations raise doubts about NAM's relevance.
- NAM was a Cold War, bipolar construct — "non-aligned" between two blocs
- post-1991: no blocs to be non-aligned from
- regional bodies (the EU, ASEAN) and issue-coalitions overtook it
- but NAM endures as a Global-South platform (development, equity)
- "strategic autonomy" as its successor.
- Concl: NAM's original rationale faded with bipolarity — yet it survives, reinvented as a voice for Global-South development.
- Cite: the NAM; the post-Cold War order; strategic autonomy.
3(c)[15m] Do you agree that despite limitations in UN functioning, it has distinguished and unique achievements?
- Intro: Despite its limitations, the UN has distinguished and unique achievements.
- achievements: preventing WWIII, decolonisation, peacekeeping, the SDGs/MDGs, human rights (the UDHR), health (smallpox), humanitarian relief
- norm-setting and global cooperation
- limitations: the veto, paralysis, selectivity, funding
- "the UN was created to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war".
- Concl: The UN's failures are real, but its achievements in peace, development and rights are unique and indispensable.
- Cite: the UDHR; the SDGs; UN peacekeeping.
4(a)[20m] USA withdrawal from Paris Climate Agreement is a setback in the consensus on protecting world environment. Assess future prospects on climate control.
- Intro: The US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement was a setback for the global climate consensus.
- Trump's 2017 exit (the second-largest emitter)
- it undermined finance, ambition and trust; emboldened laggards
- but: "We Are Still In" (states, cities, firms); the EU, China, India stayed
- the US rejoined (2021)
- the resilience of the regime; the ambition gap.
- Concl: The exit dented but did not derail Paris — the regime's resilience and the later US return preserved the climate consensus.
- Cite: the Paris Agreement (2015); the US exit (2017) and re-entry (2021).
4(b)[15m] How has Brexit affected EU regionalisation process and what are likely impacts on regionalisation of world politics?
- Intro: Brexit dealt a significant blow to EU regionalisation and to the regionalisation of world politics.
- the first member to exit — challenging the "ever-closer union" and irreversibility
- economic and political disruption; a precedent for Eurosceptics
- but it also spurred EU cohesion and reform
- it signalled the limits of supranational integration; the sovereignty backlash
- a cautionary tale for other regional blocs.
- Concl: Brexit punctured the EU's integrationist myth and emboldened sceptics — a setback, though it also rallied EU unity.
- Cite: Brexit (2016); the "ever-closer union"; Euroscepticism.
4(c)[15m] Examine the World Systems Approach as developed by Immanuel Wallerstein.
- Intro: Immanuel Wallerstein's World-Systems Approach analyses a single capitalist world-economy.
- one world-system structured as core, semi-periphery and periphery
- unequal exchange; the core exploits the periphery
- historical capitalism since the "long 16th century"
- it transcends the nation-state as the unit
- critique: economism, determinism, little agency.
- Concl: Wallerstein explains global inequality as structural to world capitalism — powerful, if criticised as economistic.
- Cite: Immanuel Wallerstein (The Modern World-System); cf. dependency theory.
Section B — India & the World
5(a)[10m] Examine the Indian National Movement and geographical location of India as determinants of India's foreign policy.
- Intro: India's national movement and geographical location are key determinants of its foreign policy.
- the freedom struggle: anti-colonialism, NAM, sovereignty, moralism (the Gandhi-Nehru legacy)
- geography: a subcontinental, peninsular position; the Himalayas; the Indian Ocean; neighbours (China, Pakistan)
- it shapes neighbourhood, maritime and continental policy
- a civilisational identity
- both ideational and material.
- Concl: The national movement gave India's FP its values; geography gives it its strategic imperatives — together they anchor it.
- Cite: the Gandhi-Nehru legacy; geography as destiny; NAM.
5(b)[10m] What are the impediments in the development of South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA)?
- Intro: The South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) faces serious impediments.
- India-Pakistan hostility; political mistrust
- long "sensitive lists"; high NTBs
- poor connectivity and transit; similar (competing) economies
- a trust deficit; "big brother" fears
- informal trade; the consensus rule.
- Concl: Political conflict, sensitive lists and poor connectivity stall SAFTA — economics remains hostage to politics in South Asia.
- Cite: SAFTA (2006); sensitive lists; NTBs.
5(c)[10m] The Treaty of Perpetual Peace and Friendship between India and Bhutan needs revision with more pragmatic obligations and responsibilities. Comment.
- Intro: The India-Bhutan Treaty of Perpetual Peace and Friendship was revised toward a more equal partnership.
- the 1949 Treaty: Bhutan "guided" by India on foreign affairs
- the 2007 revision: dropped the "guidance" clause; sovereign equality
- it reflects Bhutan's autonomy and modern ties
- continued close cooperation (hydropower, security — Doklam)
- a model of an updated neighbourhood relationship.
- Concl: The 2007 revision modernised the treaty into a partnership of equals — strengthening, not loosening, India-Bhutan ties.
- Cite: the India-Bhutan Treaty (1949, revised 2007); Doklam.
5(d)[10m] India has been the largest and consistent country contributing to UN peacekeepers worldwide. Examine India's role.
- Intro: India has been the largest and most consistent contributor to UN peacekeeping.
- ~250,000 troops cumulatively across 50+ missions; 170+ fallen
- professionalism, impartiality, women peacekeepers
- a basis for the UNSC claim
- from the Congo to South Sudan
- "blue helmet" diplomacy and soft power.
- Concl: India's unmatched peacekeeping record reflects its commitment to global peace — and bolsters its UNSC aspiration.
- Cite: UN peacekeeping; the all-women FPU; the G4.
5(e)[10m] Has the recent Indo-Israeli relationship given a new dynamics to India's stand on Palestinian statehood?
- Intro: Deepening Indo-Israeli ties have prompted questions about India's stand on Palestinian statehood.
- the 2017 PM visit to Israel (the first) — de-hyphenation
- but continued support for a sovereign, viable Palestine; UN votes (e.g., on Jerusalem)
- a balancing act: interests with Israel, principle on Palestine
- the two-state solution upheld
- a calibrated, autonomous stance.
- Concl: India de-hyphenated its ties but kept supporting Palestinian statehood — balancing a strategic Israel partnership with principle.
- Cite: de-hyphenation; the 2017 visit; the two-state solution.
6(a)[20m] Suggest measures so India's partnership with Africa becomes a true symbol of South-South Cooperation, delivering economic and political dividends to both sides.
- Intro: Measures can make India's Africa partnership a true symbol of South-South cooperation.
- demand-driven, capacity-building (ITEC, the e-network), not extractive
- honour the "Kampala Principles": African priorities, sustainability
- deliver on lines of credit, the IAFS pledges, duty-free access
- deepen trade, value-addition, local jobs
- contrast with China's model.
- Concl: By staying consultative, capacity-building and equal, India can make its Africa ties a genuine South-South partnership.
- Cite: the "Kampala Principles"; ITEC; the IAFS.
6(b)[15m] Despite differences between India and Pakistan, Indus Water Treaty has stood the test of time. Discuss recent developments.
- Intro: The Indus Waters Treaty (1960) has remarkably stood the test of time despite India-Pakistan hostility.
- a World Bank-brokered division: the eastern rivers (India), the western rivers (Pakistan)
- it survived wars (1965, 1971, 1999) — a rare success
- recent strains: the Kishanganga/Ratle disputes; "blood and water cannot flow together"; the treaty-modification notice (2023)
- arbitration vs the neutral expert.
- Concl: The IWT is a durable model of water diplomacy — though recent disputes test its resilience.
- Cite: the Indus Waters Treaty (1960); Kishanganga; the 2023 modification notice.
6(c)[15m] Analyse the stalled progress of Doha Round of WTO negotiations over differences between developed and developing countries.
- Intro: The Doha Round of WTO negotiations stalled over North-South differences.
- launched 2001 as the "Development Round"
- deadlock: agriculture (Northern subsidies vs Southern food security), NAMA, services
- the SSM (India's red line); S&DT
- the shift to plurilaterals and RTAs; the round effectively dead
- the rise of geo-economics.
- Concl: Doha collapsed over the unbridged North-South divide on agriculture and development — eclipsing the multilateral round.
- Cite: the Doha Round (2001); the SSM; S&DT.
7(a)[20m] How is China's Belt and Road Initiative going to affect India-China relations?
- Intro: China's Belt and Road Initiative significantly strains India-China relations.
- CPEC through PoK — a sovereignty red line for India
- encirclement fears (the "String of Pearls", Gwadar, Hambantota)
- debt-trap and transparency concerns; India's BRI boycott
- a connectivity-and-influence rivalry
- India's alternatives (the IMEC, Chabahar, with Japan).
- Concl: The BRI — especially CPEC — is a core irritant deepening India-China strategic rivalry and India's countermoves.
- Cite: CPEC/PoK; the "String of Pearls"; the IMEC.
7(b)[15m] Recent differences between India and Russia are the result of misconceptions than facts. Elucidate.
- Intro: Recent India-Russia differences arise more from misperceptions than fundamentals.
- irritants: India's tilt to the US/the QUAD; Russia's tilt to China and Pakistan
- but enduring fundamentals: defence (the S-400, the bulk of arms), energy, nuclear, trust
- a multipolar convergence; post-Ukraine oil trade
- both value strategic autonomy
- perception vs reality.
- Concl: The differences are real but manageable — the trust-based fundamentals outweigh the misperceptions.
- Cite: the S-400; the 1971/2000 partnership; multi-alignment.
7(c)[15m] Uniting for Consensus, also known as Coffee Club, has opposed claims of India and other countries over permanent UNSC membership. Point out major objections.
- Intro: "Uniting for Consensus" (the Coffee Club) opposes India's and the G4's UNSC bids.
- members: Italy, Pakistan, Mexico, Egypt, etc.
- objections: new permanent seats are undemocratic/divisive; they prefer more elected seats
- regional rivalries (Pakistan vs India)
- opposition to extending the veto
- it favours an "intermediate"/longer-term elected model.
- Concl: Uniting for Consensus blocks new permanent seats on grounds of democracy and rivalry — a key obstacle to India's bid.
- Cite: Uniting for Consensus; the G4; the veto debate.
8(a)[20m] The natural behaviour of India and the United States is likely to serve each other's interests. A deliberate strategy of dovetailing their efforts will benefit both. Elaborate.
- Intro: The "natural" convergence of India and the US is likely to serve both their interests.
- shared values (democracy) and interests (a free, open Indo-Pacific; balancing China)
- defence (the foundational agreements, a Major Defense Partner), trade, tech (iCET), the diaspora
- "dovetailing" via the QUAD, exercises, supply chains
- but frictions (trade, Russia, autonomy)
- a deliberate strategy maximises gains.
- Concl: A deliberate dovetailing of efforts can make the natural India-US convergence mutually beneficial — a defining 21st-century partnership.
- Cite: "natural allies"; the QUAD; iCET.
8(b)[15m] In the evolving Asian dynamics, Japan and India have moved closer in economic cooperation and strategic partnership. Discuss.
- Intro: Japan and India have moved markedly closer in economic and strategic partnership.
- economics: investment, infrastructure (the bullet train, the DMIC), the AAGC, ODA
- strategic: the 2+2, ACSA, the QUAD, a free, open Indo-Pacific
- a shared concern over China
- a "Special Strategic and Global Partnership"
- tech and supply-chain resilience.
- Concl: Driven by economics and shared China concerns, India-Japan ties have become a robust, multilayered strategic partnership.
- Cite: the bullet-train project; the AAGC; the QUAD.
8(c)[15m] The NPT has failed to achieve global nuclear disarmament. Discuss deficiencies in NPT.
- Intro: The NPT has failed to achieve global nuclear disarmament, revealing deep deficiencies.
- discriminatory: it legitimises the P5's arsenals while barring others
- Article VI (disarmament) largely unfulfilled by the NWS
- non-signatories nuclearised (India, Pakistan, Israel; the DPRK exited)
- weak verification/enforcement; vertical proliferation
- no time-bound disarmament.
- Concl: The NPT curbed horizontal proliferation but failed at disarmament — its discrimination and Article VI default are its core flaws.
- Cite: the NPT (1968); Article VI; the TPNW (2017).
PSIR Paper 2 · 2016
Section A — Comparative Politics & International Relations
1(a)[10m] Critically examine the Marxist aspect of political economy approach to the study of comparative politics.
- Intro: The Marxist political economy approach analyses politics through class and economic structure.
- the economic base shapes the political superstructure
- the State as an instrument of the dominant class
- class conflict as the engine of change
- applied: imperialism (Lenin), dependency, world-systems
- critique: economic determinism, the neglect of agency/ideas.
- Concl: It reveals the class and economic roots of political power — incisive on inequality, if criticised as determinist.
- Cite: Marx & Engels; Lenin (imperialism); the base-superstructure model.
1(b)[10m] Comment on the decline of political parties and examine whether new social movements can be an alternative strategy for linking government and society.
- Intro: Amid a perceived decline of political parties, new social movements are debated as an alternative link between government and society.
- party decline: falling membership, trust and ideology; cartelisation; personalism
- NSMs: identity, rights, environment — direct, participatory
- they articulate fresh demands and mobilise civil society
- but NSMs cannot aggregate/govern or contest power like parties
- a complement, not a substitute.
- Concl: NSMs enrich the linkage between society and State but cannot replace parties' aggregating and governing roles — they complement them.
- Cite: new social movements (Offe, Touraine); the party-decline thesis.
1(c)[10m] Discuss the impact of globalization on the internal functioning of the state.
- Intro: Globalisation has significantly reshaped the State's internal functioning.
- it eroded policy autonomy (capital mobility, the IMF/WTO, markets)
- from a welfare/developmental to a regulatory/competition state
- pressure on welfare, taxation, labour (the "race to the bottom")
- but the State adapts — re-regulation, the "competition state" (Cerny)
- sovereignty reconfigured, not erased.
- Concl: Globalisation constrains and reshapes the State's internal role — shifting it from provider to regulator, without ending it.
- Cite: Philip Cerny (the "competition state"); the globalisation-sovereignty debate.
1(d)[10m] Critically examine the functional and system approaches to the study of international relations.
- Intro: The functional and systems approaches offer analytical frameworks for studying IR.
- functionalism (Mitrany): peace via technical cooperation; "form follows function"; spillover
- systems theory (Kaplan, Easton): IR as a system of interacting States; inputs-outputs, equilibrium, system types
- both move beyond mere power/legalism
- critiques: functionalism underrates power; systems theory is abstract.
- Concl: Both broaden IR analysis — functionalism toward cooperation, systems theory toward structure — beyond raw power politics.
- Cite: David Mitrany (functionalism); Morton Kaplan (systems).
1(e)[10m] A combination of internal pressures and external threats has produced a crisis of the nation-state. Elaborate.
- Intro: A combination of internal pressures and external threats has produced a crisis of the nation-state.
- internal: ethnic/identity assertion, secessionism, federalism, legitimacy/welfare strains
- external: globalisation, supranationalism (the EU), TNAs, transnational threats (terror, pandemics, climate)
- sovereignty squeezed from above and below
- but the State endures and adapts.
- Concl: Squeezed from within and without, the nation-state faces a real crisis of autonomy — yet it persists, reinvented rather than replaced.
- Cite: the "crisis of the nation-state"; globalisation from above and below.
2(a)[20m] Why does global human security need to be emphasized along with economic security? Explain with examples.
- Intro: Global human security must be emphasised alongside economic security.
- human security (UNDP 1994): freedom from fear and want; people- not State-centric
- seven dimensions (economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community, political)
- economic security alone is insufficient — examples: famines amid growth (Sen), pandemics, climate refugees, conflict
- "freedom from want + fear".
- Concl: True security is human, not merely economic — encompassing health, environment and dignity, as crises like pandemics show.
- Cite: the UNDP Human Development Report (1994); Amartya Sen.
2(b)[15m] Do you endorse that the United Nations needs major changes in its structures and functioning? Suggest changes for efficient improvements.
- Intro: The UN needs major structural and functional changes to stay effective and legitimate.
- UNSC reform: expansion, representation (Africa, India, Latin America), veto reform
- revitalise the UNGA; transparency and accountability
- funding reform; peacekeeping (HIPPO)
- ECOSOC and the Bretton Woods linkage
- "reformed multilateralism" for the 21st century.
- Concl: Reform — above all of the UNSC — is essential for the UN's legitimacy and relevance in a transformed world.
- Cite: the G4; the Ezulwini Consensus; "reformed multilateralism".
2(c)[15m] Discuss the evolution of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons in the post-Cold War period.
- Intro: Nuclear non-proliferation has evolved significantly in the post-Cold War period.
- the NPT's indefinite extension (1995); the CTBT (1996, not in force)
- new proliferation: India and Pakistan (1998), North Korea, the A.Q. Khan network, Iran
- counter-proliferation: the PSI, UNSC 1540, the NSG
- disarmament (START/New START); the TPNW (2017)
- the discrimination debate.
- Concl: Post-Cold War non-proliferation deepened institutionally yet faced new breakouts — a regime strengthened but strained.
- Cite: the NPT extension (1995); the CTBT; North Korea.
3(a)[20m] The IMF, World Bank, G-7, GATT and other structures are designed to serve the interests of TNCs, banks and investment firms in a new imperial age. Substantiate.
- Intro: Critics argue the IMF, World Bank, G-7 and GATT serve transnational capital in a new imperial age.
- the Bretton Woods order reflects Northern/corporate power (skewed voting, conditionalities)
- Structural Adjustment opened Southern economies to TNCs
- GATT/WTO rules favour capital and IPR (TRIPS)
- the dependency/neo-Marxist view: a "new imperialism" without colonies
- counter: gains for some developing economies.
- Concl: These institutions disproportionately serve global capital and the North — a structural critique of "neo-imperialism", if contested.
- Cite: dependency theory; Structural Adjustment; TRIPS.
3(b)[15m] Examine in brief the rise and fall of the Cold War.
- Intro: The Cold War rose from post-war bipolarity and fell with the Soviet collapse.
- rise: 1945 superpower rivalry, ideology (capitalism vs communism), the iron curtain, blocs (NATO/the Warsaw Pact)
- features: deterrence (MAD), proxy wars, the arms/space race, détente
- fall: Soviet overstretch, Gorbachev (glasnost, perestroika), 1989-91
- the "end of history" (Fukuyama).
- Concl: The Cold War defined 1945-91 bipolarity; its peaceful end reshaped the world into a brief unipolar moment.
- Cite: the iron curtain; Gorbachev; Fukuyama.
3(c)[15m] How does regionalism shape world politics? Explain with examples.
- Intro: Regionalism increasingly shapes world politics.
- regional blocs: the EU, ASEAN, the AU, NAFTA/USMCA, MERCOSUR, SAARC
- drivers: economic integration, security, identity, bargaining power
- "new regionalism" — open, multidimensional
- effects: a building block or stumbling block for globalism
- examples: the EU's depth, ASEAN centrality.
- Concl: Regionalism is a defining feature of world politics — organising trade, security and identity between the State and the global.
- Cite: the EU; ASEAN; "new regionalism".
4(a)[20m] Explain the instruments and methods devised for promotion of national interest.
- Intro: States deploy varied instruments and methods to promote the national interest.
- diplomacy (the primary tool); negotiation, alliances
- economic statecraft: trade, aid, sanctions
- military: force, deterrence, coercion
- propaganda, soft power, culture
- intelligence and covert means
- Morgenthau: "interest defined as power".
- Concl: From diplomacy to force and soft power, States use a spectrum of instruments to advance the national interest.
- Cite: Hans Morgenthau; economic statecraft; soft power (Nye).
4(b)[15m] The notion of balance of power is notoriously full of confusion. Do you think balance of power is relevant?
- Intro: Though "notoriously full of confusion", the balance of power remains a relevant concept.
- ambiguities: it has many meanings (description, policy, system) — Haas counted eight
- yet it persists: alliances, balancing China, deterrence
- hard vs soft balancing; internal vs external
- critics: indeterminate, ideological
- today: the QUAD, multipolar balancing.
- Concl: Despite conceptual confusion, the balance of power endures as a real dynamic — visible today in balancing a rising China.
- Cite: Ernst Haas (the eight meanings); Morgenthau; the QUAD.
4(c)[15m] Do interest groups help to promote democracy or undermine it? Give your opinion.
- Intro: Whether interest groups promote or undermine democracy is debated.
- promote: they articulate interests, inform, participate and check power (pluralism — Dahl)
- undermine: unequal access, elite/money capture, "demosclerosis", crony influence (the elitist critique)
- the "mischiefs of faction" (Madison)
- it depends on regulation, transparency and plurality.
- Concl: Interest groups can both enrich and distort democracy — their effect hinges on equal access and regulation.
- Cite: Robert Dahl (pluralism); Mancur Olson; Madison.
Section B — India & the World
5(a)[10m] Which determinant factors play an important role in making India's foreign policy? Illustrate with examples.
- Intro: Several determinants shape the making of India's foreign policy.
- geography (the neighbourhood, the Indian Ocean)
- history and the freedom struggle (NAM, anti-colonialism)
- economy and development needs
- domestic politics, federalism, public opinion
- the international system; security (China, Pakistan); leadership.
- Concl: Geography, history, economy, domestic politics and the global system together determine India's foreign policy.
- Cite: Morgenthau (determinants); the Nehruvian legacy.
5(b)[10m] Comment on India's contribution to Non-Alignment Movement and its contemporary relevance.
- Intro: India's contribution to NAM was foundational, and the movement retains contemporary relevance.
- Nehru a co-founder (Bandung 1955, Belgrade 1961); a leader and moral voice
- it championed anti-colonialism, peace, disarmament, the NIEO
- relevance today: strategic autonomy, the Global South, reformed multilateralism
- critique: NAM's institutional decline
- "non-alignment" → "multi-alignment".
- Concl: India shaped NAM and still draws on its legacy — recast today as strategic autonomy and Global-South leadership.
- Cite: Bandung (1955); Belgrade (1961); strategic autonomy.
5(c)[10m] Illustrate the main causes of tension between India and China. Suggest possibilities of improving relationship.
- Intro: India-China relations are marked by deep tensions, but avenues for improvement exist.
- causes: the boundary dispute (1962, the LAC), the trade deficit, the BRI/CPEC, the "String of Pearls", Tibet, the UNSC/NSG blocks
- improvement: dialogue (the SR mechanism), CBMs, trade, BRICS/SCO cooperation
- "cooperation amid competition"
- managing, not resolving, asymmetry.
- Concl: Boundary and strategic rivalry drive India-China tension — manageable through dialogue and trade, if not soon resolved.
- Cite: the 1962 war; the LAC; the SR mechanism.
5(d)[10m] Critically analyze India's nuclear policy.
- Intro: India's nuclear policy combines deterrence with restraint.
- "credible minimum deterrence" + No First Use + massive retaliation (the 2003 doctrine)
- civilian control; outside the NPT (deemed discriminatory)
- tests: 1974, 1998; the 2008 NSG waiver
- a "responsible" nuclear power; disarmament advocacy
- debates: the NFU review, arsenal size.
- Concl: India's nuclear policy is one of restrained, credible deterrence — responsible and autonomous, if periodically debated.
- Cite: the 2003 nuclear doctrine; NFU; the NSG waiver (2008).
5(e)[10m] SAARC's efforts come to halt because of various impediments to regional cooperation. Elaborate with examples.
- Intro: SAARC's efforts have stalled due to multiple impediments to regional cooperation.
- India-Pakistan hostility; the cancelled 2016 summit
- the consensus-veto rule; the trust deficit
- low intra-regional trade; NTBs; poor connectivity
- cross-border terrorism; asymmetry
- extra-regional interference (China).
- Concl: Conflict, terrorism and structural barriers have stalled SAARC — pushing India toward BIMSTEC and sub-regionalism.
- Cite: SAARC; the 2016 summit cancellation; SAFTA.
6(a)[20m] Explain Britain's ouster from EU and bring out its consequences on world economy in general and India in particular.
- Intro: Britain's exit from the EU carried significant consequences for the world economy and India.
- the world economy: uncertainty, market volatility, a weaker pound, a blow to integration
- India: trade and investment recalibration (the UK as a gateway lost); separate UK and EU tracks (FTAs)
- opportunities: a UK FTA, finance, the diaspora
- a signal of de-globalisation/protectionism.
- Concl: Brexit unsettled the world economy and reshaped India's Europe strategy — prompting separate UK and EU engagement.
- Cite: Brexit (2016); the India-UK FTA; the pound's fall.
6(b)[15m] Comment on India's growing relationship with USA in the background of constrained relations between India and China.
- Intro: India's growing partnership with the US is shaped partly by constrained India-China relations.
- a shared concern over China (the LAC, the Indo-Pacific)
- defence (the foundational agreements, a Major Defense Partner), the QUAD, exercises (Malabar)
- trade, tech, the diaspora
- China as the "convergence glue"
- but India's autonomy (Russia, no formal alliance).
- Concl: China's rise is a key driver pushing India and the US closer — even as India guards its strategic autonomy.
- Cite: the QUAD; the foundational agreements; the LAC.
6(c)[15m] Critically analyze China's role in international politics against India's demand for permanent seat in UN Security Council.
- Intro: China's role in international politics poses the chief obstacle to India's UNSC permanent-seat bid.
- China is the only P5 member not clearly backing India
- it blocks/hedges on reform; shields Pakistan (the Masood Azhar listing, the NSG)
- rivalry: it resists a peer competitor in Asia
- it uses the Coffee Club dynamics
- India's counter: the G4, global support.
- Concl: China's resistance — to protect its primacy and shield Pakistan — is the central barrier to India's permanent UNSC seat.
- Cite: the NSG block; the Masood Azhar veto; the G4.
7(a)[20m] Examine main problems and challenges involved in looking after environmental concerns in world politics.
- Intro: Addressing environmental concerns in world politics faces deep problems and challenges.
- the "tragedy of the commons"; collective-action and free-rider problems
- the North-South divide (historical responsibility, CBDR, finance)
- sovereignty vs global governance; weak enforcement
- the science-politics gap; short-termism
- examples: the Kyoto/Paris struggles, the US exit.
- Concl: Collective-action failures and the North-South divide make global environmental governance hard — demanding equitable, enforceable cooperation.
- Cite: the "tragedy of the commons" (Hardin); CBDR; the Paris Agreement.
7(b)[15m] Explain North-South divide and suggest how structural inequalities between industrial North and predominantly rural South can be reduced.
- Intro: The North-South divide captures structural inequalities between the industrial North and the rural South.
- origins: colonialism, unequal exchange, dependency
- gaps: income, technology, terms of trade, debt
- demands: the NIEO, fair trade, technology transfer, debt relief
- reduction: South-South cooperation, capacity-building, reformed trade/finance, the SDGs
- India's bridging role.
- Concl: Reducing the North-South gap needs fairer trade, technology transfer, debt relief and Southern solidarity — a long, structural task.
- Cite: the Brandt Report; the NIEO; dependency theory.
7(c)[15m] Discuss positive and negative impacts of Soviet Union's disintegration on developing nations.
- Intro: The Soviet Union's disintegration had both positive and negative impacts on developing nations.
- negative: the loss of a counterweight/patron, aid and markets; a unipolar US dominance; NAM weakened; SAPs imposed
- positive: the end of proxy wars, more autonomy, democratisation, market access, new partners
- mixed: globalisation's opportunities and dependency.
- Concl: The USSR's collapse freed developing nations from proxy conflicts but stripped a counterweight — leaving them more exposed to a unipolar order.
- Cite: the 1991 collapse; the unipolar moment; NAM's decline.
8(a)[20m] Explain socio-economic impacts of arms race and identify obstacles in the way of disarmament.
- Intro: The arms race carries heavy socio-economic costs, and disarmament faces stiff obstacles.
- costs: diverted resources ("guns vs butter"), the opportunity cost for development, insecurity, the environment
- the "military-industrial complex" (Eisenhower)
- obstacles to disarmament: the security dilemma, mistrust, deterrence logic, vested interests, verification
- examples: nuclear arsenals, global military spending.
- Concl: The arms race drains development and breeds insecurity — but the security dilemma and vested interests keep disarmament elusive.
- Cite: Eisenhower (the "military-industrial complex"); the security dilemma; "guns vs butter".
8(b)[15m] What are the hopes and aspirations of India's Look East Policy? Explain.
- Intro: India's Look East Policy embodied major hopes and aspirations.
- launched 1991: integrating with a dynamic ASEAN/East Asia
- aims: trade, investment, connectivity, developing the NE
- strategic: balancing China; partnerships (Japan, Vietnam, ASEAN)
- upgraded to "Act East" (2014) — strategic and security depth
- aspirations of an "extended neighbourhood".
- Concl: Look East aspired to anchor India in a rising Asia — economically and strategically — maturing into Act East.
- Cite: Look East (1991); Act East (2014); ASEAN.
8(c)[15m] Discuss the shift of India's foreign policy towards Pakistan in light of Pathankot incident.
- Intro: The 2016 Pathankot attack marked a shift in India's foreign policy toward Pakistan.
- the attack on the airbase derailed a tentative outreach (the Lahore visit)
- a shift to "talks and terror cannot go together"
- later: the Uri attack → the 2016 surgical strikes; isolating Pakistan (the cancelled SAARC summit)
- coercive diplomacy; the FATF pressure
- a harder, terrorism-centred line.
- Concl: Pathankot hardened India's Pakistan policy — linking dialogue to terrorism and shifting toward coercive isolation.
- Cite: the Pathankot attack (2016); the surgical strikes; "talks and terror".